19 February, 2007

Bandhig buug: A note on my teachers group: news report of an injustice

Bandhig buug: A note on my teachers group: news report of an injustice


Habeenkii 19 Feb ee 2007 ayaa lagu soo bandhigay Akademiyada Nabada iyo Horumarinta Somaliland buugga A note on My Teachers Group ee uu qoray Jama Musse Jama, Waxaana soo bandhigay naadiga HRC oo ah Hargeisa Redears Club, waxaana u soo badhigay arday ka mid ah Jamacada Hargayasa oo ah Khalid Jama Qodax. Waxaa ka soo qayb galay boqollaal qof oo ay ku jiraan martisharaf debedda ka timi sida Ali Marshal, iyo aqoonyahanno dalka deggan sida Boobe Yusuf Ducaale iyo kuwa kale oo badan.

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A NOTE ON MY TEACHER'S GROUP

News Report of an injustice
Dr. Jama Musse Jama
Edition 2003

Buuggan waxa qoray aqoonyahan dagan waddanka Talyaaniga, oo la yidhaahdo Dr. Jama Musse Jama. Jama waxa uu qoray lix buug oo kale oo ku soo baxay Afaf kala duwan sida Talyaani, Ingiriisi, iyo Somaliba, waxa kale uu Jama Muuse Jama uu soo saaray Taxanaha dhaxal reeb, oo ah wargays Electronic ah oo ku soo baxa degelka redsea-online.com.Waxa kale oo uu Jama sameeyay "Ubbo" oo ah Spelling Checker oo wali tijaabo ku jirta iyo Buugaag kale oo uu qoro oo u hadda wado.

Buuggan "A note on my teacher's group" waxa uu soo baxay 2003, waxaanu Jama ku soo bandhigay Jaamacadda Hargeysa oo uu dad badan ugu sharraxay micnaha uu xambaarsan yahay buuggani.

HORDHACA BUUGGA:
Buuggani waxa uu ka kooban yahay saddex qaybood, qaybta koowaad ee buuggu waxa ay ka warramaysaa sababtii iyo wakhtigii la xidh-xidhay kooxdii UFFO iyo dareenkii wakhtigaa ku gadaamanaa ee jiray.

Qaybta labaad ee buuggu waxa falaqayn lagu sameeyay go'aankii Maxkamadda oo nin garyaqaan ahi uu ku sameeyay oo la yidhaahdo Mr. Ibraahim Xaashi Jaamac,waxa kale oo ku jira Buugga Go'aankii rasmiga ahaa ee maxkamadda oo ku qoran luuqada Af-soomaaliga oo loo turjumay Af-ingiriis oo uu u turjumay Dr Axmed Xuseen Ciise.

Qaybta Saddexaad ee buuggu waxa ay ka warramaysaa taariikho koobkooban oo Somaliland ku saabsan iyo waliba Taariikh nololeedkii kooxda UFFO oo xagga dambe ee buugga ku qoran.

SABABTA MAGACA LOOGU BIXIYAY BUUGGA:
Sababta ugu wayn ee uu qoraaga buuggu Jama Muuse Jama uu ugu bixiyay magaca buuggan waa isaga oo arday ahaa markii ay dhacaysay dhacdadan kooxda UFFO lagu xidh-xidhaayey, iyo waliba in kooxdan ay ku jireen wakhtigaa xidh-xidhnaa macallimiintiisi wax u dhigi jirtay, sababtaasi ayaa keentay in aan buuggan u bixiyo "A note on my teacher's group", intii aan u baxin lahaa UFFO ama Hargeisa Self-helped Group,

SABABTA UU QORAAGU U QORAY BUUGGAN:
Sababta ugu way ee aan buuggan u qoray ayaa uu yidhi qoraagu waa in la ogaado taariikhdii uu dalkani soo maray loona sheego jiilba jiilka ka dambeeya dhacdooyinkii dhacay 1980 iyo waliba Feb 20 1982, lana ogaado waxyaabahii keenay iyo sababtay u dhacday in la xidh xidho aqoonyahannadii UFFO.

HARGAYSA IYO 1980 SIDAY AHAYD
Qoraagu waxa uu ka sheekaynayaa siday ahayd Hargaysi 1980 waxaanu sawir dhab ah innaga siinayaa wakhtigaa siday Hargaysi ahayd isaga oo ka sheekaynaya waxa uu yidhi waxa jiray wakhtigaa koox aqoonyahanno ah oo dibadaha iyo gobalada dalka ka kala yimid, oo dib ugu soo laabtay hargaysa, kooxdaasi waxa ay la soo guryo noqdeen fikrado cusub oo ah iskaa wax u qabso iyo in aan lagu tashan dawladda wax ka yimaadda ee la abaabulo sidii dadku ay wax u qabsan lahaayeen, sababta oo ah waxa u dul-qaadan waayen baahiyahii wakhtigaa ka jiray hargaysa ee aan ka jirin gobollada kale ee dalwaynahii la odhan jiray Soomaaliya.

Qoraagu waxa uu sheegay in wakhtigaa Hargaysi aanay lahayn biyo ku filan, laydh, waddooyin, goobo caafimaad, iyo baahiyaha kale ee bini-aadamku u baahan yahay oo dhan, qoraagu waxa uu yidhi gobolada waqooyi waxa ay ahaayeen sidii uu kaga tagay Gumaystihii Ingiriisku wax lagu kordhiyayna may jirin, dakhliga ka soo baxana waxa toos u isticmaali jiray dawladda oo ku isticmaali jirtay arrimaha siyaasadda, xidh-xidhka dadwaynaha iyo arrimaha kale ee ay doonayso dawladdu.

Qoraagu waxa uu si toos ah u soo qaadanayaa xagga waxbarashada oo uu sheegay in wakhtigaa Hargaysa ay ka jireen macallimiin la'aan baahsan, halka ay gobalada kale macallimiintu ay isku bateen, aqoonyahannadii dalkuna noqdeen kuwa la xidh xidho iyo kuwa dalka ka baxsada oo raadsada nolol dhaanta tan digtaatooriyada ah.

Qoraagu waxa kale oo uu soo qaadanayaa dhinaca Caafimaadka iyo wakhtigaa Hargaysi bal sida ay ahayd. Dr. Adan Yusuf Abokor oo wakhtigaa loo magacaabay Agaasimaha Cisbitaalka Hargaysa ayaa waxa u ka warramay bal qaabkii uu ahaa cisbitaalku wakhtigaa. Dr. Adan waxa uu yidhi waxa kaliya oo Cisbitaalka joogay wakhtigaa Dhakhaatiir iyo kalkaalisooyin niyad uun hayey in ay dalkooda iyo dadkooda ugu shaqeeyaan, ee may oolin wax kale oo ah daruuriyaadka looga baahan yahay caafimaadka oo dhan, qofku isaga ayaa dawooyinka, sariiraha, gogosha, cuntada iyo waliba waxyaabaha kale oo dhan soo qaadan jiray waxa kaliya ee dhakhaatiirtu u qaban jireen waxa ay ahaayeen "Services" Haddaba xaalku si kastaba ha ahaadee waxa ay kooxdaas UFFO ee aqoonyahannada ahi isku dayeen in ay qabtaan kullamo wacyi galin ah oo ay sameeyeen oo dadka ku baraarujinayaan in ay wax qabsan karaan, waxayna abaabuleen kulammo badan oo ay la yeesheen ganacsatada iyo waxgaradkii magaalada Hargaysa joogay oo dhan, waxaanay sameeyeen bar bilow fiican oo ku dayasho leh oo ay ku caawinayaan Cisbitaalka Hargaysa,

Dr. Adan Yuusuf Abokor waxa kale oo uu sheegay in ay isku xidheen Cisbitaalka Hargaysa iyo urur mutadawacnimada ka shaqeeya oo la yidhaahdo GERMENY EMERGENCY DOCTOR'S (GED), oo caawiyay Cisbitaalka Hargaysa ka dib markii uu dadaal badan u galay Dr. Aden Yusuf Abokor, waxaana isku xidhka GED iyo Hargeisa Cisbitaal lahaa nin Somali Ethiopian ah oo la odhan jiray Abdulkariin A. Guuleed oo dhigan jiray Jaamacad ku taal Jarmalka, GED oo ah urur samo fal ah waxa ay kaliya caawin jireen wadamada xaaladaha dag-daga ahi ka jiraan wayna u cuntami wayday in ay caawiyaan Cisbitaalka Hargaysa oo dawladi gacanta ku hayso, haddaba si uu Dr. Adan Yuusuf Abokor u qanciyo kooxdan waxa uu u sheegay in qaxoonti badan oo ka soo qaxay dagaalakii 1977 u dhaxeeyay Ethiopia iyo Somaliya ay dagan yahiin hareeraha magalada Hargaysa oo ay caafimaad ahaan u yimaadaan Hargaya Cisbitaalkeeda sidaad daraadeen ay haboon tahay in intii ay caawin lahaayeen meelo kale ay caawiyaan cisbitaalka hargaysa si uu isaguna u caawiyo dadkaas soo qaxay iyo kuwa kale ee magaalada daganba, dood dheer ka dib waa la is la qaatay arintaasi oo way ku qanceen GED arintaasi uu Dr. Aden Yuusuf Abokor u sheegay wayna caawiyeen Cisbitaalka Hargaysa, wax badana way la qabteen.

Sida uu qoraagu Jama Musse Jama uu ka xigaanaayo buuggaag kale waxa wax qabadkaa ka dib kulmay dawlada iyo Agaasimahii Cisbitaalka Hargaysa, waxayna galeen laba kulan kulanka hore waxa gadhwadeen ka ahaa Agaasimaha Cisbitaalka Hargaysa Dr. Aden Yusuf Abokor waxaanu hadalkiisa ku bilaabay in wareeggii hore ee dib u dhiska iyo dib u qaabaynta Cisbitaalka Hargaysi dhamaaday oo guul wayn ay gaadheen ka dib markii ay dadaal badan sameeyeen.

Kulanka labaad waxa hogaaminaayey gadhwadeena ka ahaa General Gaani oo ahaa Commandorkii ciidamada ee gobolka waqooyi oo xukumada dhexena wakiil uga ahaa Hargaysa, waxaanu hadalkiisa ku bilaabay waxa jira kooxo iska hor keenaya dawladda iyo shicibka oo waxa ay wadaan aan loo dul qaadan Karin, waxaanan amray in la soo wada xidh xidho waanan haynaa liiskoodii kooxdaasi oo dhan, manaanu awoodi waayin in aanu wax ka qabano kooxdaas.

Sida ka muuqata laba kulan waxa ay kala ahaayeen kuwa aad u kala fog oo mid waxa la ga hadlayaa waa wanaag, ka kalena waxa laga hadlayaa waa wax aan la qaadan Karin wayna u cuntami wayday Agaasimahii cisbitaalka Hargaysa wanaagii ay wadeen iyo waxa ay xukumadu ugu abaal guday.

Kooxdan hawashii ay bilaabeen, waa la joojiyay waana la xidh xidhay, waxaana la xidh xidhay wakhtig aad iskugu wada dhow dhow, waxaana loogu hor xidhay kooxdan Ahmed Maxamed Yusuf "Jabane", waxa uu qoraaga Buuggu Jama Muusse Jama uu waydiiyay Su'aal isku mid ah bal qaabkii uu u bilaabmay xadhigoodu kooxdan Saddex xubnood oo ka mid ahaa oo kala ah Maxamed Baaruud Cali, Maxamed X.Maxamuud Cumar Xaashi, iyo Dr: Adan Yusuf Abokor bal in ay ka waramaan qaabkii uu ku bilaabmay xadhigoodu, waxaanay Dhamaan isku raaceen in la wada xidhay saq dhexe oo guryahooda loogu yimid, si ka baxsan nidaamka bini-aadamnimadana loola dhaqmay markii laga kaxaynaayey guryahooda, waxaanay si gud uga warameen qaabkii uu habeenkaasi ahaa..

AFARTII BILOOD EE AY XIDHNAAYEEN EE DACWADOODU SOCOTAY
Qoraaagu Buuggu Jama Musse Jama waxa uu aad uga waramayaa afartii bilood ee badhidoodu socotay ee ay ku jiree xaruntii NSSta iyo jeelka dhexe ee Hargaysa, waxaana si gaara uu u soo qaaadanayaa Maxamed Baaruud Cali oo ka mid ahaa kooxdaa UFFO, ayaa uu qoraagu xiganayaa oo uga sheekaynaya bal qaabkii uu ahaa baadhidoodu iyo sidii loola dhaqmi jiray intii ay ku jireen xaruntii NSSta ee magalada Hargeisa, Maxamed Baaruud oo ka sheekaynayaana waxa uu yidhi: Waxa nala waydiin jiray su'aalo badan, waanala jidh dili jiray, biyo aayaa madaxa naloo galin jiray, waxa na loola dhaqmi jiray si ka baxsan Bini-aadamnimada waxay noo waraysan jireen mid mid, waxayna nagu odhan jireen, saaxiibadaa sidaa iyo sidaas ayay noo sheegene maxaad adigu u qarinaysaa arintan aha in aad abaabusheen urur ka dhan ah dawlada oo toleed oo aad u bixseen R.U.D.M oo ah Raga u Dhashay Magaalada, soona saarteen joornaal aad u bixiseen UFFO oo aad ula jeedaan dabaysha ka horeysa roobka, ururkiinuna uu yahay hor dhacii dawlad aad rabtaan in aad dhistaan oo aad ku bur burisaan tan hada jirta. Waxaana si gaara loogu eedaynayaa in ay sameeyen ururka Maxamed Baaruud, Axmed Maxamed Yusuf "Jabane", Maxamed X.Maxamuud Cumar Xaashi iyo Dr. Adan Yusuf Abokor in ay madax ka ahaayeen ururkaasi, qaybiyeena Joornaalka ay u bixiyeen UFFO, Waxa kale oo eedaysanayaasha kale lagu eedaynayaa in ay ka qayb qaateen shirar qarsoodi ah oo ay la galeen kooxdaas hore, wax kale oo eedaysanahayaasha qaaarkood lagu eedaynayaa, Maqaalo Gabayo ah oo laga helay guryahooda, waxa kale oo xubin ka mid ah kooxdan lagu soo eedeeyay in uu ku kacay Afmiishaar-nimo oo uu iska hor keenay xukumada iyo shicibka oo uu yidhi nimankan xidhan ee UFFO wax dambi ah oo ay leeyohiin ma jirto ee dawladdu ha sii dayso. Sida uu sheegay Maxamed Baaruud raga baadhi jiray waxa ay ahaayeen kuwa u tababaran habka wax loo baadho oo Ruushka wax ku soo bartay, waxaanu yidhi marka lana kaxaynaayo madaxa ayaa na laga xidhi jiray oo meel aanan garanaynin ayay nala tagi jireen oo nagu waraysan jireen, maalin walba waa nala qaadi jiray, maannu heli jirin cunto, cabid iyo waxyaabaha kale ee daruuriyaadka ah ee aanu u baahano.

Su'aalaha ay na waydiin jireen waxa xusid mudan oo ka mid ahaa in ay nagu odhan jireen maxaad ula baxdeen magacyada kala ah BAARUUD,COLAAD,CAABI, iyo DAGAAL, waxaanay nagu odhan jireen miyaanay magacyadiinu ka turjumaynin aad aad tahiin rabshad wadayaal, waxa aan ugu jawaabay oo aan ku idhi markii ay su'aashaasi I waydiiyeen oo miyaydaan arkin in kooxdan qaar ka mid ah la yidhaahdo DUCAALE,WARSAME, iyo MADAR, oo dhamaantood ka turjumaaya wanaag inta aad arkaysaan kuwa kale ee ah Naannays iyo maggacyada awawyaashayo.

Sida uu qoraagu ka xiganaayo Maxamed Baaruud Cali iyo Maxamed Xaaji Maxmuud Cumar Xashi waxa ay labadooduba sheegeen in wakhtiyadii ugu xumayd ee noloshooda soo marta ee la jidh dilo ay ahayd, waxaanay sheegeen in nooc wal oo jidh-dil ah oo lagu sameeyo qof bini-aadam ahba lagu sameeyey, waxaanay ka waramayaan wax badan.

ARDAYDA IYO MUDAHARAADKOODII DHAGAXTUURKA EE Feb 20th 1982
Maalintii ay ku beegnayd in maxkamada Gobolka ee Hargaysa la soo taago kooxdii UFFO ayaa waxa ka dhacay magaalda hargaysa mudahaaraadyo aad u waa wayn oo ay hor kacaayeen ardaydii Dugsiyada sare iyo Hoose/Dhexeba oo ay markii dambe ku soo biireen qaybaha bulshada oo dhami.

Waxa maalintaasi ay ciidamadkii la odhan jiray GUULWADAYAASHU ay is ticmaaleen xoog dheeraad ah waxayna xidh xidheen ilaa 400 oo arday iyo dadwayne aad u tiro badan oo kale waxaaana loo dhaadhiciyay jeelasha Madheera iyo Berbera oo maalintaasi buuxsamay, waxaanay ka xumaayeen ardaydaasi xukunka sharci darada ah ee lagu qaadaayey Macalimiintoodii, Dhakhaatiirtoodii, iyo Aqoonyahanadoodii. Maalintaas dhagax tuurka waxa ay hargaysi ahayd Fulkaane qarxay oo kale, waxaanay isku rogtay Hargaysi, Bayruut oo kale.

Alle ha u naxariistee waxa maalintasi dhintay Arday ka mid ah ardaydii dhigan jirtay Dugsiga Sare ee Gacan libaax oo la odhan Jiray BARRE XAAJI CILMI oo da'diisu ahayd 17 oo xabadii ay ridayeen askartii Guulwadaayaashu ay kaga dhacday caloosha isaga oo maraaya suuqa hoose ee Hargaysa meel u dhow Fooqa Jirde Xusseen ee badhtamaha magalada hargaysa, Alle ha u naxariisto oo neecow ugdoon janatul fardawsa ha ku siiyee waxa lagu Aassay Barre xabaalaha Xawaadle isla maalintaas.

Waxa maalintaas aan la ilaabi Karin ka mid ahaa Gabaygii uu Hadraawi ka tiriyaye ee Hargaysi ma Toostay erayadan:

Haddaanan haddaanan
Haddaanan dhawaaqa
Hireyda wireyda
Hayaay ka kacayda
Jihaadka hargaysa
Barbaartu hagayso
Haweenka gadooday
Ka qayb galin hawsha

Maalintaas Feb 20th ahayd 1982 oo ku beegnayd maalintii maxkamda la soo taaggayey kooxdan UFFO waa socon wayday maxkamadii ka dib dhagaxtuurkaas ka dhacay magalada Hargaysa oo markii dambena ku sii fiday magaaalooyinka waa-weyn ee Burco iyo Berbera, waxaana dib maxkamadii la iskugu soo noqday Feb 28th 1982 dacwada ugu wayn ee loo haystayna waxa ay ahayd in ay abaabuleen urur la odhan jiray "R.U.D.M" oo ah Raga u Dhashay Magaalada iyo in ay soo saareen oo qaybiyeen Joornaal ay u bixiyeen UFFO oo ay ku kicinayaan Dadwaynaha, eedahas loo hayay oo aan sal iyo raad toona layn kuna cadayn kari wayday Maxkamadu.

Waxa xusid mudan in ay xukumadu ku cadayn kari wayday kiiska kooxdan loo haysto,sababta oo ah waxa ay qareenadii u doodayey kooxdan oo inta ay arki jireen ay iska yaraydba kooxda UFFO oo maalinta maxkamada uun ay arki jireen, ayaa ka codsaday maxkamadii in ay keento nuqul ka mid ah Jooornaalkan lagu eedaynayo iyo waliba ururkan ay sheegtay dawladu meesha uu ku shaqayn jiray iyo waxa ay isticmaali jireenba, dawladii wakhtigaa jirtay way u wayday wax cadayn ah, waxaanay kiiskooda kooxdan u cuskatay nidaama laga hagaayey Fila Somaliya oo looga talin jiray Somaliya. Xaaladu si kastaba ha ahaate, waxa ay noqotay in aakhirkii la xukumo kooxdan UFFO oo lagu kala xukumo. Laba ka mid ah kooxda waxa lagu xukumay madaxaaa ha ku furto ama xabsi daa'in, inta kalena waxa lagu kala xukumay inta ku dhaxaysa min Soddon sano ilaa saddex sano in ay ku jiri doonaan xabsiga.

Ka dibi xukunkoodi sideed bilood ayay ku qaadatay in ay ku jiraan xabshiga dhexe ee Magalada Hargaysa, waxaana 24th October 1982 loo dhaadhiciyay oo loo baddalay xabsiga "LABAATAN JIROW" oo amaankiisa aad loo ilaalin jiray oo ku yaala meel u dhow Magalada Baydhabo, waxaanay ku qaadatay in ay xabsigaa ku jiraan oo ku dhamaystaan. Lix bilood iyo badh oo ay ku jireen xaalad qalafsan oo aad u xun.

SIDAY AHAYD NOLOSHII XABSIGA LABATAN JIROW (Maximum Security Prison)
Xabsiga Labaatan Jirow waxa uu ahaa meel amaankiisu aad loo ilaalin jiray, waxaanay kala kulmeen Kooxdan UFFO dhibaatooyin badan, sida jidh dil lagu samayn jiray iyo in habeenkii lagalla baxi jiray qolalkii ay ku jireen ee aadka u yar yaraa.

Kooxdan UFFO waxa ay ku go'doonsanaayeen mudo ku dhan 2375 Maalmood oo u dhiganta Lix bilood iyo badh in ay ku jireen qol aad u yar oo cabirkiisu ahaa "2 by 2 Square meter cell", waxaanay waayeen kooxdani waxyaabaha daruuriyaadka ah ee nolosha biniaadamku u baahan tahay sida in qofku helo qof uu la sheekaysto ama uu la hadlo, wax uu cuno, wax uu cabo, iyo meel fiican oo uu ku noolaado intaba may helin kooxdan UFFO, Xaaladu si kastaba ha ahaatee waxa ay aakhirkii samaysteen qaab ay u wada hadlaan oo bal isku waydiiyaan midba mid ka kale caafimaadkiisa iyo waxa uu dareemayo iyo sida uu yahay xaalkiisu, waxaanay samaysteen qaab aad u sahlan oo ay u wada hadli jireen waxaanay hadalka iskaga gudbin jireen gidaarka dhexdiisa, Maxamed Baaruud oo arintaasi si toos ah uga hadlaaya oo uu qoraagu xigaanayo waxa uu sheegay in xataa uu ku bartay isagu Afaf kale oo qalaad sida Jarmal iyo Af Talyaani.

Sida uu qoraagu ka xiganaayo Maxamed Baaruud Cali, waxa uu sheegay Maxamed in habeenku ahaa wakhtiga ugu xun ee xabsiga, waayo meshu waxa ay noqon jirtay madow oo baqdin iyo walbahaar ayaa ku helaaya marka aad maqasho sanqada ciidanka, waxaana ay ku farxi jireen marka waagu dilaaco, waxa uu sheegay waxyaabaha ugu waa-wayn ee aan ku madaddaali jirnay in ay ahayd ayaa uu yidhi Maxamed Baaruud wada hadalka aanu wada hadalno ee xaga Gidaarka aanu ka wada hadalno iyo Imaatinka shimbiraha noogu iman jiray xabsiga oo cabi jiray biyo daadsanaan jiray qololka hortooda. Labaatan jirwo may lahayn goobo caafimaad waxaana cafimaaka ku qornaa oday aad u wayn oo aanu u naqaanay Dr: NO oo ahaa oday aad u xun oo macangag ah oo dabeecad xumaa.

SII DAYNTII KOOXDAN UFFO IYO SIDAY DUNIDU U ARKAYSAY KOOXDAN
Kooxdan in la sii daayo, dunidu wax badan ayay isku dayday in ay kala hadasho dawladii wakhtigaa jirtay, waayo dunidu nimankan waxa ay u taqaanahay "Hargeisa Self-helped Group", waxaanay u arki jireen in ay xaq daro ku xidhan yahiin waana siday xaqiiqdu ahayd. Waxa kale oo kooxdan UFFO u doodi jiray Haayado badan oo caalami ah sida Amnesty International, Africa Watch, IOM, CHHR, NAS-HRG.

Waxa ay dhamaan haayadahaas caalamiga ahi u soo direen wafuud faro badan oo dalka iman jirtay si ay bal kiiska Kooxdan UFFO uga la hadlaan xukumadii Maxamed Siyaad Bare, wayna ku guul daraysteen in xukumadu baaqyadoodaasi ay dhag u dhigto waxayna ka dhaga adaygtay in ay kulamo la yeelato Haayadahaasi, ama u ogolaato in ay soo booqdaan Kooxdaaas UFFO ee xidhnayd, waxayna ka qoreen maqaalo badan oo ay walaac kaga muujinayaan xaalada bini-aadamnimo ee ka jirtay Somaliya.

Kooxdan waxa warbaxino badan oo ku saabsan kiiskooda u gudbin jiray Iid Cali Axmed oo ka mid ahaa Kooxdan UFFO oo isaga nasiib wanaag ka maqnaa dalka markii la xidh-xidhaayay kooxdan, waxayna u qoreen warqad ku taala Buugga oo ay ugu mahad celinayaan Iid kaalintii firfircoonayd ee uu ka qaatay sii dayntooda.

Waxa kale oo ka hadlay Kooxdan iyo sida foosha xun ee ay ula dhaqantay dawladii Maxamed Siyaad Bare warbaahinta Dunida, gaar ahaan waxa ka hadlay wargaysyo badan oo ka soo baxa Khaliijka oo mid ka mid ahi uu ku qoran yahay buugga Kooxdan UFFO waxa la sii daayay sanadkii 1989, waana wakhtig ku beegan wakhtigii dalka la xorrayn doono in yar ka hor. Ka dib markii kooxdan la sii daayay waxa ay magan galyo siyaasadeed ka heleen wadamo badan oo dunida ka mid ah, waxay'se ka door bideen in ay haddana dib dalkoodii ugu shaqeeyaan, waxa ay ugu tageen dadkoodii u qaxay wadanka Ethiopia ee aynu jaarka nahay, waxaanay dib u Aaas aaseen urur la odhan jiray "SORRA" oo loo soo gaabiyay "Somali Relief and Rehabilitation Association ", oo dib u dhiskii dalka iyo dib u heshiisiintiiba kaalin aan la ilaabi Karin ka qaatay, waxaanay UFFO dib u bilaabeen in ay hawashii ay dadka u hayeen ee ahayd iskaa wax u qabso in ay dalka dib uga bilaabaan waxaaanay hir galiyeen mashaariic badan oo ay dalka dib ugu dhisayaan. Qaybta ugu dambaysa waxa uu buuggu ka waramayaa Geeridii ku timid Alle ha u naxariistee Cabdillahi Cali Yuusuf oo loo yaqaanay "Colaad" oo ahaa Wasiirkii Beeraha ee Somaliland, kana mid ahaa kooxdan UFFO oo geeriyooday.

Waxa kale oo qaybta dambe ee buugu ay ka waramysaa Taarikh nololeedkoodii oo kooban kooxdan UFFO.

Waxa kale oo qaybtaad dambe ee buugga ku jira qoraal kooban oo ka warmaaya xabaal wadareedadii roobku soo saaray ee Magalada Hargaysa ee Malka Durdura ee 1997 Waxa aan halkan hoose aan idinku soo gudbin donaa Liiska Kooxdii UFFO, iyo waliba wakhtigii la xidh xidhay xubin walba.

Magaca Kooxda UFFO iyo Wakhtiga la xidhay

1: Maxamed Baaruud Cali 04/11/1981
2: Axmed Maxamed Yuusuf "Jabane" 02/11/1981
3: Maxamed X. Maxamuud C. Xaashi 19/11/1981
4: Adan Yuusuf Abokor 19/11/1981
5: C/raxmaan C/laahi X. Adan 19/11/1981
6: Axmed Xuseen Caabi 05/12/1981
7: Xuseen Maxamed Ducaale "Berbaraawi" 19/11/1981
8: Maxamuud Sheekh Xasan Taani 19/11/1981
9: C/laahi Cali Yusuf "Colaad" 19/11/1981
10: Maxamed Dagal Xirsi 11/11/1981
11: Cali Cige Faarax "Cali Beed" 11/12/1981
12: Yuusuf C/laahi Kaahin 11/12/1981
13: Cismaan Cabi Maygaag 04/12/1981
14: Maxamed Cabdi Ducaale "Ayuub" 11/12/1981
15: Adan Warsame Saciid 11/12/1981
16: Maxamed Cali Ibraahin 11/12/1981
17: Axmed Maxamed Madar 14/12/1981
18: Cumar Ciise Cawaale 04/12/1981
19: Maxamed Cali Sulub 11/11/1981
20: Baashe Cabdi Yuusuf 29/12/1981
21: Ismaaciil Cabdi Hurre 09/01/1982
22: Xasan C/Salaan Sheekh Cali 09/01/1982
23: Axmed Xasan Madar 10/01/1982
24: Maxamuud Cabdi Jaciir 30/12/1981
25: Maxamed Macalin Cismaan Axmed 30/12/1981
26: Saciid Maxamed Ibraahin 06/02/1982
27: Lt. Col. Ismaaciil Xaashi Madar
28: Xasan C/laahi Cali "Alegeyeh" 04/12/1981

ALLAH MAHAD LEH
BY: Khalid Jama Qodax
Hargeisa Somaliland
Qodax02@yahoo.com,

06 February, 2007

An open letter to President Riyaale..By A. Kamil, Cardiff

February 06, 2007 - 13:21
An open letter to President Riyaale: Set Haatuf journalists free

Mr President, Somaliland has become known as the "country that can", an oasis of democracy in desert of instability, Africa's shining example". These titles have not come about by a chance; it is the result of combined efforts of successive Somaliland governments, including your present administration, and sweat and hard work of ordinary Somalilanders who love freedom and democracy. Somalilanders are proud of these hard earned and well deserved names. You must also be very proud of this great achievement. This will go down in the history books and your name will invariably be associated with it long after you are gone.

Mr President, Somaliland's wilful imaging of herself as "an oasis of democracy and freedom" has lately suffered huge setbacks. The news wires world wide reported the unlawful imprisonment of the three Haatuf Journalists. All of sudden, our country, the African nation that can, is too close to be discredited as a "banana republic" led by a lone driver, albeit a dictator. Freedom lovers world wide are watching the Haatuf Saga with caution. In particular, our friends are certainly questioning incompatibility between the unlawful arrest of our Journalists and the democratic ethos our nation claims to be advancing in search for international recognition. The Haatuf affair has already cast a doubt over our democratic credentials; a price which we can ill afford to pay at this critical juncture of our history. Mr President, Somalilanders would want you to be remembered as a defender of freedom; and not as the man who shot freedom in the foot and in the process, killed this nation's chance of international recognition.

Mr President, this country stands justice for all as her very claim of existence as a nation depends on it. The unlawful imprisonment of the three journalists works against all that Somalilanders aspire to. Without actual advancement of just cause our claim for thus becomes suspect, cosmetic and only self-serving.

Recall the Samsame affair - that badly managed case of the teenager from Puntland. Somalilanders stood shoulder to shoulder with this young girl. They did so out of love for freedom and not - as the politically naive would have us believe - dislike towards their government – your administration. If anything is learn from her case, it should underline our people's resolve, love and determination to defend freedom. The Haatuf affair has all the hallmarks that characterised Samsame's case and caused a national embarrassment. If anything, it should be it and all that was wrong about it. It walks like it, talks like it and above all, as an unpalatable as it is, certainly tastes like it. The truth is no amount of political spin, no press conferences or presidential press releases on your behalf or otherwise will make it tastier, talk better, or turn its ugliness, which stares right into faces of all Somalilanders, up side down to beautify it even an iota. It will remain as ugly as when it first appeared, even uglier without the unconditional and immediate release of the tree journalists arrested.

No Somalilander with conscious would drive a pleasure from Haatuf's deliberate mud slinging at the shining reputation of our Firs Lady, Huda Barkhad Adam. Somaliland's first lady deserves far better treatment than that dealt to her by Haatuf. Haatuf's attempts to drag Huda and some of her close relatives at the centre of their allegations have but gained them the scorn and disgust of anyone who truly cares about this country. And had it not been your government's interference, I have no reason to believe that Somalilanders would have continued to allow their daughter to suffer at hands of Haatuf's sleaze. Whatever merit or demerit Haatuf's allegations carry should be a matter for the courts to decide. Those of us, who love Huda dearly, as much as we believe in defending the freedom of others, should settle with the outcome of the courts. But the courts should be let free of your government's manipulation; they should not only be transparent but seen thus. Mr, president no one should be above the law including you and your family. You should set an example for others to follow in defending the freedom of all.

A number of prominent Awadalites have recently written publicly about the current Haatuf saga. The list of open letters todate stands uncountable and just to name some they include among others, Dr Mohammod H. Tani, a freedom fighter, a man who knows what it is like to be taken away one's freedom. Somaliland's leading journalist, Bashir Goth, whose word has an international reach, has set special banner at his website, Awdanews Netowrk, calling for the unconditional release of the imprisoned journalist. Dr Abdishakur Sh. Ali Jowhar, a man of wisdom who is certainly at home in measuring this country political mood as the pulse of his own patients. Although he has gone step further in recruiting our clans name for better cause in his call for your administration to reform. His basic message carries the same truth and related pain we have all felt despite the emotionally charged voices from some corners. Mr President the combined weight of these men of wisdom and their considered views on this unpalatable affair should mean something to you, hear their voice of reason and take their advice.

Mr President, do the right thing and release the three journalists straight away. Democracy is under test in our country and you must show the world that Somaliland is a champion of freedom; that the names she has rightfully earned thus far are but what she is truly made of, that this land is the land of the free and that she deserved to be recognised thus internationally.

Abdirazak Musse Kamil
Cardiff –
abdikamil@hotmail.com

03 February, 2007

The Staggering Failures And Arrogance Of The Current Administration & The Ruling Party

The Staggering Failures And Arrogance Of The Current By Hassan A. Mohamud

For the past fifteen years, Somaliland has been under Udub's firm political control. The party was lucky to be availed with the privilege to rule the country. Udub party administrations and its leadership have succeeded one another without interruption. Opposition parties have envied Udub's grip on the powerhouse. The staggering failures and arrogance of the current administration and the ruling party, plunged the nation into morass of purposelessness and polarization. Long neglected domestic and foreign issues created a perception of ineptitude. A vast majority of the public have already lost faith in this government. None of the major critical issues facing the nation has been addressed. For the past two years, National crisis with profound political implications proliferated the landscape. The Republic is beset with various political, economical, and social problems of different dimensions. Somaliland became a nation adrift. The government ceased to function and serve the people who entrusted them with their vote and election. Unless Mr. Rayale and his ruling party finds a face-saving way to retreat and rethink of their underhanded and belligerent approach on dealing with sensitive issues, a stunning defeat will await them.

A widespread public disenchantment is emboldening the opposition parties who intend to challenge the incumbent in 2008 presidential elections. Other than holding some symbolic 2003 national elections, the administration has no other accomplishments to get credit for. Such monumental failure may present a rare opportunity to afford opposition parties take the helm in next round of elections. Whichever party wins, Ucid or Kulmiye, might certainly be more thirsty for power to work harder to score some quick and tangible political progress. The pressure to deliver will intensify. It will inspire the winner get engaged in multiple fronts to seek significant short term political gains to convince the general public of their genuine intentions to move the country forward and out of the stalemate or status quo. From a somber personal point of view, a dire picture comes to mind if the current direction is not soon changed. Somaliland could not afford succumbing to the same evils that brought former Somalia down. And we are potentially nudging toward that end.

An entrenched arrogance

Much of the root causes of the public's frustrations and disappointments stems on leadership ineptitude and fundamental inability to address and resolve most pressing issues that face the nation. Unscrupulous and corrupt elements hijacked this administration. The current administration alienated the public and became out of touch with its fellow citizens. Entrenched arrogance intertwined with a callous incompetence became the badge of honor for this government. Political behavior and attitude of this nature often breeds political arrogance and authoritarianism. It hampers reform and progress. The Rayale administration is classified as one run by multiple personalities, each inflicting an egregious damage on the nation's psyche without any collective coordination. The ruling party's arrogance is rooted in their refusal to acknowledge their poor performance and their audacious resistance to change. Arrogant political parties usually are the real threat to new democracies. More often, they become too powerful, inefficient, and eventually lose elections if they stay in power too long. Udub may have fallen victim to this contagious disease of over-staying in power longer than necessary. It became infected with entrenched arrogance and complacency. A ruling party that stayed in power as long as Udub did usually turns out to be a major source of political partisanship, scandal, mismanagement, and even flourishing corruption. "Edmund Burke once said: those who have been once intoxicated with power, and have derived any kind of emolument from it, even though but for one year, can never willingly abandon it."

Poor record and performance

Many Somalilanders believe this government has failed in many fronts. Besides the national elections of 2003, nothing tangible has been accomplished. Political discontent and economic frustrations are surging high across the country. The gauged morale of the nation has ebbed into the lowest levels. Much disenchantment and disappointment with the new system and its stewards has ominously surfaced to manifest itself in mounting harsh public debate forums. The dismal performance of the current administration has alienated the general public. The current government ceased to function and serve the people who entrusted them with their vote and election. The current leadership cultivated a depressing cynicism that engulfed the Republic. It utterly failed in its sole mission to galvanize Somalilanders of all stripes toward a common goal of advancing their cause and improving their safety, security, and livelihood. On the contrary, they have fostered sowing division and distortion among their country peers. Their style is reminiscent of the partisan and tyrannical system that brought former Somalia on its knees. The country appears to be led by rogue elements whose loyalty and allegiance is questionable, to say the least. A vast majority of the public feels cheated of their turn for good governance they desperately deserve. Voters are disappointed and disgusted with their elected public officials who frequently take them for granted and abuse the vested powers entrusted upon them for their own selfish gain. Many bitterly denounce the poor record and performance of this administration. They loudly protest its paralyzing complacency and failure to mobilize and engage on issues of substance. The majority of the public decries the partisan politics of the incumbent president, not to mention the fact that such tactic derails collaborative efforts and consensus-building to achieve a measured end.

Failing to achieve recognition

On another front, the country's foreign policy has been completely neglected or non-existent. Somaliland is not close to being diplomatically recognized as a nation by outside world. Of all the pernicious challenges Somaliland faces today, the failure to achieve recognition is the biggest obstacle. This country has experienced the worst economic distress and deepening poverty. The searing absence of developmental projects is mainly due to the lack of international recognition. There has been a growing sense of urgency to make this issue a top priority. Yet this administration resists what common sense dictates. A well coordinated and concerted effort to seek recognition and engage outside world is missing. Crucial Somaliland infrastructure, roads, and seaports which provide trade and transportation links are deteriorating fast. Though the lack of recognition impedes financial aid flow from international donors, it also suited us as a blessing in disguise because it forced us use our limited resources wisely to maintain some semblance of self-reliance and control.

The pursuit of Somaliland recognition process went through various stages of which none were initiated or attained through the persistent and heroic efforts of the current government. This administration has missed remarkable opportunities to launch aggressive diplomatic campaigns to eagerly pursue and push for state recognition and plea their case wherever and whenever possible. The government should have been leading the way in mobilizing and guiding our Diaspora communities toward the defined goal pf achieving state recognition. Out of sheer incompetence, the Rayale administration has been either ineffective or unable in articulating Somaliland's rightful claim to statehood to outside world despite the following facts:

1.Somaliland's existence as a sovereign nation for a brief period when it gained its independence from great Britain and before it voluntarily entered a union with the south

2.Unlike the prevailing anarchy of rivaling militias in the south, Somaliland has successfully achieved a remarkable stability, peace, security, and a constitutionally functioning democracy

3. Many African and western governments sympathize with Somaliland's case and cause

4. It was only a year ago, in December 2005, when president Rayale's administration submitted Somaliland's application for membership in the African Union

5. An AU fact-finding mission in 2005 concluded that Somaliland's situation is considered sufficiently a unique case that doesn't fit the mold and fears of "the inviolability of the old colonial borders".

Sacred separation of powers

This administration has demonstrated a wanton disregard to our cherished constitution. They abuse and take advantage of every possible loophole to bend it suit their wicked ambitions and contorted way of doing things. Their political behavior symbolizes systematic abuse of vested executive powers. Such endeavors defeat the whole purpose of why, in the first place, we choose a system based on three equal but parallel branches of government: the executive, the parliament, and judiciary. The parliament has the power to make laws, the president runs the executive, and the judiciary adjudicates legal issues. And the balance of power between three major government branches must always be kept under all circumstance.

The distinctive powers of both the council of elders (GUURTI) and the parliament are defined by the constitution. The president flirted with the sacred separation of powers as envisioned by the constitution. He skirted, not obeyed, the fundamental foundations of our constitution. Mr. Rayale's unilateral decision to defy the constitution and extend the terms of the council of elders (Guurti) without election process has ominous political implications. He interfered with the affairs of the legislative branch for the intended outcome of creating an acrimonious friction between the democratic institutions that has been formed to enable our democracy take a solid root. Not only does this action constitute a flagrant violation of the basic tenets of our constitutional, but it also warns us of a dangerous dictatorship forming its shape in our midst. It is a rogue administration out of control in exercising its vested powers without transparency and accountability. As a result, many SNM veterans and heroes intensely argue that time has come to act and rescue this nation from the enemy within

On emergency basis and only for temporary period, the council of elders were originally formed in the tumultuous times of the transition when the country was liberated in 1991. Its chartered duties were to serve as a non-elected consultative body that transcends the sordid rivalry between political factions and interest groups. The elders were intended to assist the president and his newly formed Somaliland government to carry out its basic duties over its territorial jurisdiction. Unfortunately, over time, the council gradually turned to become a powerful watchdog group that stepped of its legal bounds by interfering with the constitutional separation of powers between the main government branches. It tipped the scale in favor of the executive branch and the president. It became know for simply rubber-stamping presidential decisions and degrees without much due consideration or debate on its merits. It has veered away from being a source of more tempered and balanced pool of wisdom to help build consensuses on major issues for the general welfare of the nation. The body hence handed the incumbent an unfair advantage in furthering his political interests. This political development undermines the system and renders it an ineffective and an unfair one. One predominant mistake is to blindly trust any governing system without placing a critical check and balances mechanism in order to rein authorities and hold them accountable. We must protect our basic democracy.

Somaliland 's territorial jurisdiction

Another major setback for Rayale's administration is his inability to defend and secure the territorial jurisdiction of Somaliland Republic. Nothing is more obvious of this particular failure than his ceding of Sool & Sanaag regions to clannish rebels who sympathize with neighboring Puntland regional government. The missing territories and the current administration's policy of ignoring to address it impinge on the national sovereignty of Somaliland Republic. Instead of consolidating its authority and extending its governance to all the regions of the Republic, the current administration has been busy fending off strong critics who point their weaknesses.

Somaliland had traveled a long way since declaring its secession from the union. It has achieved a lot and much hard work still remains to be done. The sovereignty of Somaliland is far from being safe and secure from stiff challenges posed by renegade elements. As a country, our commitment to the security of Somaliland territories is very much lacking or non-existent. Large portions of Somaliland territories remain under the control of a renegade group who pose an enormous challenge to a barely struggling centralized authority located in the capital of Hargeisa. This failure, more than all others combined, obviously points and exposes to the worst vulnerabilities of this young nation. It contributes to and projects an image of weakness because much of what defines a nation or state is how it secures the safety of its subjects as well as its territories. This government neither sees the urgency and importance of addressing this issue nor does it recognize this issue as a priority or a problem.

The Ethiopian meddling

Somaliland is under the spell and full control of Ethiopian government. It remains hostage to the grand designs of imperial Ethiopia. Sultan Osman Sultan Ali's arrest in the city of Buroa was rather more of an attempt to assure and appease Ethiopian Administration and Meles Zenawi than by a legitimate concern and fear that the content of his speech and calling might destabilize the current government of Somaliland. We incurred the wrath of Eritrea and Djibouti. Both loadly object to Somaliland being recognized, though for different reasons. The source of this declared enmity on the part of Eritrea is said to be the presumed Ethiopian influence in Somaliland, while in the case of Djibouti it is derived from a fear based on the fact that the port of Berbera might serve as an alternative port option and trade route for the Ethiopians if Somaliland is recognized.

Curtailing civil liberties

Many Somaliland activists reiterate their concerns that there should be no impunity for curtailing our civil liberties of which the right to freedom of expression is the most precious one. The president and his sycophantic crew have declared war on Buroa city residents, forever soiling their reputation by concocting that they are agents who serve foreign enemies. All the blame leveled at Buroa region residents as collaborators and subversive elements who aid and abet outside enemies is very unfortunate. This indicates that The hidden hands of a government system has been lately aimed at serving and securing the political interests of the incumbent and his controllers. It is an ugly picture reminiscent of the tyrannical system of Mohamed Siyad Barre's regime.

On daily bases, we deal with an artificially manufactured crisis which is owned and initiated by the current administration's hired assassins. Its is no less ironic that prominent government figures of cabinet level will deliberately spur a public debate on such contentious issue of whether our system of government is secular or non-secular one for the sole aim and intention of inducing a public debate to entrap certain administration critics who may commit the unfathomable crime of freely expressing their opinion. Such political behavior permits and cultivates an atmosphere of domestic tyranny to instill a fear and silence critics. It is immoral and equally barbaric to make inflammatory speeches or comments in order to create havoc among a tired constituent begging for their turn to have peace and tranquility. Most incendiary speeches are deviously intended to raise sectarian tension among residents who constitute the support base of the opposition.

The opposition parties

Lately, there has been a strong public yearning for a change in government leadership. An organized opposition could have posed a serious challenge to the ruling party. However, inherent weaknesses and disunity of the opposition parties may inadvertently have breathed new life into the body of the ruling monster. Until recently, the ruling party has successfully discredited the opposition parties. It showed resourcefulness and political mastery in its rawest form. But to match wits, opposition groups finally reinvented themselves and successfully engaged their enemy with unity and cohesiveness.

The disappointment with the overall neglect in addressing critical issues of the day forced the opposition parties devise a new strategy to force change. They forged political alliance between Ucid and Kulmiye have transformed the opposition into a formidable force that posed a stiff challenge to the governing party (Udub). Their collaboration and cooperation frustrated the administration. The coming national elections might prove disastrous for the incumbent and the ruling party. The opposition parties potentially provide an alternative choice to lead the country and be afforded the opportunity to rule the country in 2008. If elections were held today, an angry electorate will, most likely, choose Ucid party and its candidate Faisal Ali Waraabe. A resounding rejection of udub might echo everywhere. The momentum is with the opposition parties.

Klivan@columbus.rr.com