03 February, 2007

The Staggering Failures And Arrogance Of The Current Administration & The Ruling Party

The Staggering Failures And Arrogance Of The Current By Hassan A. Mohamud

For the past fifteen years, Somaliland has been under Udub's firm political control. The party was lucky to be availed with the privilege to rule the country. Udub party administrations and its leadership have succeeded one another without interruption. Opposition parties have envied Udub's grip on the powerhouse. The staggering failures and arrogance of the current administration and the ruling party, plunged the nation into morass of purposelessness and polarization. Long neglected domestic and foreign issues created a perception of ineptitude. A vast majority of the public have already lost faith in this government. None of the major critical issues facing the nation has been addressed. For the past two years, National crisis with profound political implications proliferated the landscape. The Republic is beset with various political, economical, and social problems of different dimensions. Somaliland became a nation adrift. The government ceased to function and serve the people who entrusted them with their vote and election. Unless Mr. Rayale and his ruling party finds a face-saving way to retreat and rethink of their underhanded and belligerent approach on dealing with sensitive issues, a stunning defeat will await them.

A widespread public disenchantment is emboldening the opposition parties who intend to challenge the incumbent in 2008 presidential elections. Other than holding some symbolic 2003 national elections, the administration has no other accomplishments to get credit for. Such monumental failure may present a rare opportunity to afford opposition parties take the helm in next round of elections. Whichever party wins, Ucid or Kulmiye, might certainly be more thirsty for power to work harder to score some quick and tangible political progress. The pressure to deliver will intensify. It will inspire the winner get engaged in multiple fronts to seek significant short term political gains to convince the general public of their genuine intentions to move the country forward and out of the stalemate or status quo. From a somber personal point of view, a dire picture comes to mind if the current direction is not soon changed. Somaliland could not afford succumbing to the same evils that brought former Somalia down. And we are potentially nudging toward that end.

An entrenched arrogance

Much of the root causes of the public's frustrations and disappointments stems on leadership ineptitude and fundamental inability to address and resolve most pressing issues that face the nation. Unscrupulous and corrupt elements hijacked this administration. The current administration alienated the public and became out of touch with its fellow citizens. Entrenched arrogance intertwined with a callous incompetence became the badge of honor for this government. Political behavior and attitude of this nature often breeds political arrogance and authoritarianism. It hampers reform and progress. The Rayale administration is classified as one run by multiple personalities, each inflicting an egregious damage on the nation's psyche without any collective coordination. The ruling party's arrogance is rooted in their refusal to acknowledge their poor performance and their audacious resistance to change. Arrogant political parties usually are the real threat to new democracies. More often, they become too powerful, inefficient, and eventually lose elections if they stay in power too long. Udub may have fallen victim to this contagious disease of over-staying in power longer than necessary. It became infected with entrenched arrogance and complacency. A ruling party that stayed in power as long as Udub did usually turns out to be a major source of political partisanship, scandal, mismanagement, and even flourishing corruption. "Edmund Burke once said: those who have been once intoxicated with power, and have derived any kind of emolument from it, even though but for one year, can never willingly abandon it."

Poor record and performance

Many Somalilanders believe this government has failed in many fronts. Besides the national elections of 2003, nothing tangible has been accomplished. Political discontent and economic frustrations are surging high across the country. The gauged morale of the nation has ebbed into the lowest levels. Much disenchantment and disappointment with the new system and its stewards has ominously surfaced to manifest itself in mounting harsh public debate forums. The dismal performance of the current administration has alienated the general public. The current government ceased to function and serve the people who entrusted them with their vote and election. The current leadership cultivated a depressing cynicism that engulfed the Republic. It utterly failed in its sole mission to galvanize Somalilanders of all stripes toward a common goal of advancing their cause and improving their safety, security, and livelihood. On the contrary, they have fostered sowing division and distortion among their country peers. Their style is reminiscent of the partisan and tyrannical system that brought former Somalia on its knees. The country appears to be led by rogue elements whose loyalty and allegiance is questionable, to say the least. A vast majority of the public feels cheated of their turn for good governance they desperately deserve. Voters are disappointed and disgusted with their elected public officials who frequently take them for granted and abuse the vested powers entrusted upon them for their own selfish gain. Many bitterly denounce the poor record and performance of this administration. They loudly protest its paralyzing complacency and failure to mobilize and engage on issues of substance. The majority of the public decries the partisan politics of the incumbent president, not to mention the fact that such tactic derails collaborative efforts and consensus-building to achieve a measured end.

Failing to achieve recognition

On another front, the country's foreign policy has been completely neglected or non-existent. Somaliland is not close to being diplomatically recognized as a nation by outside world. Of all the pernicious challenges Somaliland faces today, the failure to achieve recognition is the biggest obstacle. This country has experienced the worst economic distress and deepening poverty. The searing absence of developmental projects is mainly due to the lack of international recognition. There has been a growing sense of urgency to make this issue a top priority. Yet this administration resists what common sense dictates. A well coordinated and concerted effort to seek recognition and engage outside world is missing. Crucial Somaliland infrastructure, roads, and seaports which provide trade and transportation links are deteriorating fast. Though the lack of recognition impedes financial aid flow from international donors, it also suited us as a blessing in disguise because it forced us use our limited resources wisely to maintain some semblance of self-reliance and control.

The pursuit of Somaliland recognition process went through various stages of which none were initiated or attained through the persistent and heroic efforts of the current government. This administration has missed remarkable opportunities to launch aggressive diplomatic campaigns to eagerly pursue and push for state recognition and plea their case wherever and whenever possible. The government should have been leading the way in mobilizing and guiding our Diaspora communities toward the defined goal pf achieving state recognition. Out of sheer incompetence, the Rayale administration has been either ineffective or unable in articulating Somaliland's rightful claim to statehood to outside world despite the following facts:

1.Somaliland's existence as a sovereign nation for a brief period when it gained its independence from great Britain and before it voluntarily entered a union with the south

2.Unlike the prevailing anarchy of rivaling militias in the south, Somaliland has successfully achieved a remarkable stability, peace, security, and a constitutionally functioning democracy

3. Many African and western governments sympathize with Somaliland's case and cause

4. It was only a year ago, in December 2005, when president Rayale's administration submitted Somaliland's application for membership in the African Union

5. An AU fact-finding mission in 2005 concluded that Somaliland's situation is considered sufficiently a unique case that doesn't fit the mold and fears of "the inviolability of the old colonial borders".

Sacred separation of powers

This administration has demonstrated a wanton disregard to our cherished constitution. They abuse and take advantage of every possible loophole to bend it suit their wicked ambitions and contorted way of doing things. Their political behavior symbolizes systematic abuse of vested executive powers. Such endeavors defeat the whole purpose of why, in the first place, we choose a system based on three equal but parallel branches of government: the executive, the parliament, and judiciary. The parliament has the power to make laws, the president runs the executive, and the judiciary adjudicates legal issues. And the balance of power between three major government branches must always be kept under all circumstance.

The distinctive powers of both the council of elders (GUURTI) and the parliament are defined by the constitution. The president flirted with the sacred separation of powers as envisioned by the constitution. He skirted, not obeyed, the fundamental foundations of our constitution. Mr. Rayale's unilateral decision to defy the constitution and extend the terms of the council of elders (Guurti) without election process has ominous political implications. He interfered with the affairs of the legislative branch for the intended outcome of creating an acrimonious friction between the democratic institutions that has been formed to enable our democracy take a solid root. Not only does this action constitute a flagrant violation of the basic tenets of our constitutional, but it also warns us of a dangerous dictatorship forming its shape in our midst. It is a rogue administration out of control in exercising its vested powers without transparency and accountability. As a result, many SNM veterans and heroes intensely argue that time has come to act and rescue this nation from the enemy within

On emergency basis and only for temporary period, the council of elders were originally formed in the tumultuous times of the transition when the country was liberated in 1991. Its chartered duties were to serve as a non-elected consultative body that transcends the sordid rivalry between political factions and interest groups. The elders were intended to assist the president and his newly formed Somaliland government to carry out its basic duties over its territorial jurisdiction. Unfortunately, over time, the council gradually turned to become a powerful watchdog group that stepped of its legal bounds by interfering with the constitutional separation of powers between the main government branches. It tipped the scale in favor of the executive branch and the president. It became know for simply rubber-stamping presidential decisions and degrees without much due consideration or debate on its merits. It has veered away from being a source of more tempered and balanced pool of wisdom to help build consensuses on major issues for the general welfare of the nation. The body hence handed the incumbent an unfair advantage in furthering his political interests. This political development undermines the system and renders it an ineffective and an unfair one. One predominant mistake is to blindly trust any governing system without placing a critical check and balances mechanism in order to rein authorities and hold them accountable. We must protect our basic democracy.

Somaliland 's territorial jurisdiction

Another major setback for Rayale's administration is his inability to defend and secure the territorial jurisdiction of Somaliland Republic. Nothing is more obvious of this particular failure than his ceding of Sool & Sanaag regions to clannish rebels who sympathize with neighboring Puntland regional government. The missing territories and the current administration's policy of ignoring to address it impinge on the national sovereignty of Somaliland Republic. Instead of consolidating its authority and extending its governance to all the regions of the Republic, the current administration has been busy fending off strong critics who point their weaknesses.

Somaliland had traveled a long way since declaring its secession from the union. It has achieved a lot and much hard work still remains to be done. The sovereignty of Somaliland is far from being safe and secure from stiff challenges posed by renegade elements. As a country, our commitment to the security of Somaliland territories is very much lacking or non-existent. Large portions of Somaliland territories remain under the control of a renegade group who pose an enormous challenge to a barely struggling centralized authority located in the capital of Hargeisa. This failure, more than all others combined, obviously points and exposes to the worst vulnerabilities of this young nation. It contributes to and projects an image of weakness because much of what defines a nation or state is how it secures the safety of its subjects as well as its territories. This government neither sees the urgency and importance of addressing this issue nor does it recognize this issue as a priority or a problem.

The Ethiopian meddling

Somaliland is under the spell and full control of Ethiopian government. It remains hostage to the grand designs of imperial Ethiopia. Sultan Osman Sultan Ali's arrest in the city of Buroa was rather more of an attempt to assure and appease Ethiopian Administration and Meles Zenawi than by a legitimate concern and fear that the content of his speech and calling might destabilize the current government of Somaliland. We incurred the wrath of Eritrea and Djibouti. Both loadly object to Somaliland being recognized, though for different reasons. The source of this declared enmity on the part of Eritrea is said to be the presumed Ethiopian influence in Somaliland, while in the case of Djibouti it is derived from a fear based on the fact that the port of Berbera might serve as an alternative port option and trade route for the Ethiopians if Somaliland is recognized.

Curtailing civil liberties

Many Somaliland activists reiterate their concerns that there should be no impunity for curtailing our civil liberties of which the right to freedom of expression is the most precious one. The president and his sycophantic crew have declared war on Buroa city residents, forever soiling their reputation by concocting that they are agents who serve foreign enemies. All the blame leveled at Buroa region residents as collaborators and subversive elements who aid and abet outside enemies is very unfortunate. This indicates that The hidden hands of a government system has been lately aimed at serving and securing the political interests of the incumbent and his controllers. It is an ugly picture reminiscent of the tyrannical system of Mohamed Siyad Barre's regime.

On daily bases, we deal with an artificially manufactured crisis which is owned and initiated by the current administration's hired assassins. Its is no less ironic that prominent government figures of cabinet level will deliberately spur a public debate on such contentious issue of whether our system of government is secular or non-secular one for the sole aim and intention of inducing a public debate to entrap certain administration critics who may commit the unfathomable crime of freely expressing their opinion. Such political behavior permits and cultivates an atmosphere of domestic tyranny to instill a fear and silence critics. It is immoral and equally barbaric to make inflammatory speeches or comments in order to create havoc among a tired constituent begging for their turn to have peace and tranquility. Most incendiary speeches are deviously intended to raise sectarian tension among residents who constitute the support base of the opposition.

The opposition parties

Lately, there has been a strong public yearning for a change in government leadership. An organized opposition could have posed a serious challenge to the ruling party. However, inherent weaknesses and disunity of the opposition parties may inadvertently have breathed new life into the body of the ruling monster. Until recently, the ruling party has successfully discredited the opposition parties. It showed resourcefulness and political mastery in its rawest form. But to match wits, opposition groups finally reinvented themselves and successfully engaged their enemy with unity and cohesiveness.

The disappointment with the overall neglect in addressing critical issues of the day forced the opposition parties devise a new strategy to force change. They forged political alliance between Ucid and Kulmiye have transformed the opposition into a formidable force that posed a stiff challenge to the governing party (Udub). Their collaboration and cooperation frustrated the administration. The coming national elections might prove disastrous for the incumbent and the ruling party. The opposition parties potentially provide an alternative choice to lead the country and be afforded the opportunity to rule the country in 2008. If elections were held today, an angry electorate will, most likely, choose Ucid party and its candidate Faisal Ali Waraabe. A resounding rejection of udub might echo everywhere. The momentum is with the opposition parties.

Klivan@columbus.rr.com

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