| Dhanxiir iyo Doorashooyinka Maansha Allaah; Alleylehe waa kuwaa komishankii Qaranku dhiiranaan muujiyey ee reerkii geediga ahaa Juun ku furay, doorashadan loo haraad qabana foodkeedii loo dareerayo, kol haday SEEFARKII madaxeena mijaha u rogay ee mudada dheer foosha ku jiray ay ka umuliyeen, takale Juun waa bilqabaw oo xidigeedu taagan yahay, waana bishii Ingiriisku inaga tagay ee dunidu ina aqoosatay, markaa doorkana Ilaahay kheyrkeeda ha ina siiyo, sharkeedana ha ina hareer mariyo. Weger; Adeer; ilaa waraaqda la ii dhiibo oo sanduuqa cugashada aan dul tago dhegahayga Juun bay doorasho dhacaysaaye, waxaad ka warantaa dhaqaalahan lagu bixinayo budhcad-badeeda ee gaal iyo islaamba lagu yaboohay tallow quruskeenii ma la inoo gooyey, mise qoladan Aw Rayaale iyo xertiisa ayaa ku sii fara laabi doono si ay masaariif uga dhigtaan marka lagu dhawaaqo natiijada doorashadda |
Jamhuuriya Online |
30 April, 2010
Dhanxiir iyo Doorashooyinka
Ogeysiis: Shir Telefoonka Ah Oo Hogaanka Xisbiga Kulmiye Kula Hadli Doono Qurba Joogta Somaliland
Ogeysiis: Shir Telefoonka Ah Oo Hogaanka Xisbiga Kulmiye Kula Hadli Doono Qurba Joogta Somaliland
Waxan kugu soo dhoweynayna inad nagala soo qayb gasho shir telefonka ay maalinta Axada, bisha May 2deeda marka ay sacadu tahay (2pm Washington). Shirkaas waxa kasoo qayb geli doona madaxda iyo hogaanka xisbiga KUlmiye, kuwaas oo soo bandhigi doono qorshaha iyo barnaamijka xisbiga Kulmiye ee doorashoyinka soo socda, haddii eebe idmo. Dadka ka hadli doona shirkaas waxa ka mid ah:
Ahmed Mohamed Mohamud (Silanyo) and Abdirahman Abdillahi Ismail (Saylici). Sidoo kale waxa ka mid ah: Muse Bixi
Abdi, Dr. Mohamed Abdi Gabose, Bashe Abdi Gaboobe, Mohamed Iskeerse, Mohamed Abdillahi Omar, Kayse Mohamed Cige, Mohamud Xaashi and Abdiraxman Talyanle.
1 – Taariikhda shirka: May 2, 2010
2 – Wakhtiga: 11am (California time), 2pm (Washington DC and Toronto), 7pm (London), 9pm
Hargeisa, 10pm (Dubai)
3 – Garaac numberka USA and Canada: USA & Canada: 712-432-1001 and Access Code:
447416398#
4 – Europe hadad joogto numberkan garaac:
a) UK: 0844-58-191-02 and Access Code: 381217#
b) Netherlands: 0870 001 920 and Access Code: 381217#
c) Belgium: 070 35 9974 and Access Code: 381217#
d) Germany: 01805 00 76 09 and Access Code: 381217#
e) France: 0826 100 256 and Access Code: 381217#
f) Ireland: 0818 270 021 and Access Code: 381217#
g) Italy: 848 390 156 and Access Code: 381217#
h) Austria: 0820 4000 1552 and Access Code: 381217#
Kasoo qayb gal wanaagsan maalinta axada ah.
A contract between the Conservative Party and Ahmed Arwo
Dear Ahmed,
At the start of this election campaign I invited you to join the government of Britain. My message was that we're all in this together, and we've got to stop pretending that government is the answer to every problem.
So during this campaign I've been talking about the new, active part I hope people will play in making the country better and building the Big Society.
Now, as we get into the final week of the campaign, I want to set out our side of the bargain in a contract with you. This contract - as you can see below - is a no-frills, no-nonsense commitment to do some very specific things if you vote for us.
With trust in politics at an all time low and people tired of politicians breaking their promises, this contract couldn't be clearer. If we don't do the things it sets out, if we don't deliver our side of the bargain: vote us out in five years time.
P.S. This is a contract between the Conservative Party and every person in the country - please do make sure your family and friends see it by sharing this email with them.
A contract between the Conservative Party
For too long, you've been lied to by politicians saying they can sort out all your problems. But it doesn't work like that. Real change is not just about what the government does. Real change only comes when we understand that we are all in this together; that we all have a responsibility to help make our country better. This contract sets out my side of the bargain: the things I want to do to change Britain. But it also makes clear that I cannot do it on my own. We will only get our economy moving, mend our broken society and reform our rotten political system if we all get involved, take responsibility, and work together. So this is our contract with you. I want you to read it and - if we win the election - use it to hold us to account. If we don't deliver our side of the bargain, vote us out in five years' time. We will change politics Our political system needs to change. Politicians must be made more accountable, and we must take power away from Westminster and put it in the hands of people - individuals, families and neighbourhoods. If you elect a Conservative government on 6 May, we will: 1. Give you the right to sack your MP, so you don't have to wait for an election to get rid of politicians who are guilty of misconduct. 2. Cut the number of MPs by ten per cent, and cut the subsidies and perks for politicians. 3. Cut ministers' pay by five per cent and freeze it for five years. 4. Give local communities the power to take charge of the local planning system and vote on excessive council tax rises. 5. Make government transparent, publishing every item of government spending over £25,000, all government contracts, and all local council spending over £500. We will change the economy Gordon Brown's economic incompetence has doubled the national debt, given us record youth unemployment, and widened the gap between rich and poor. Unemployment is still rising, and this year we will spend more on debt interest than on schools. We need to get our economy moving. If you elect a Conservative government on 6 May, we will: 1. Cut wasteful government spending so we can stop Labour's jobs tax, which would kill the recovery. 2. Act now on the national debt, so we can keep mortgage rates lower for longer. 3. Reduce emissions and build a greener economy, with thousands of new jobs in green industries and advanced manufacturing. 4. Get Britain working by giving unemployed people support to get work, creating 400,000 new apprenticeships and training places over two years, and cutting benefits for those who refuse work. 5. Control immigration, reducing it to the levels of the 1990s - meaning tens of thousands a year, instead of the hundreds of thousands a year under Labour. We will change society We face big social problems in this country: family breakdown, educational failure, crime and deep poverty. Labour's big government has failed; we will help build a Big Society where everyone plays their part in mending our broken society. If you elect a Conservative government on 6 May, we will: 1. Increase spending on health every year, while cutting waste in the NHS, so that more goes to nurses and doctors on the frontline, and make sure you get access to the cancer drugs you need. 2. Support families, by giving married couples and civil partners a tax break, giving more people the right to request flexible working and helping young families with extra Sure Start health visitors. 3. Raise standards in schools, by giving teachers the power to restore discipline and by giving parents, charities and voluntary groups the power to start new smaller schools. 4. Increase the basic state pension, by relinking it to earnings, and protect the winter fuel allowance, free TV licences, free bus travel and other key benefits for older people. 5. Fight back against crime, cut paperwork to get police officers on the street, and make sure criminals serve the sentence given to them in court. 6. Create National Citizen Service for every 16 year old, to help bring the country together. |
Prophet Muhammad - 12: Exemplary care for little children
By ADIL SALAHI
The treatment of the Prophet (peace be upon him) of little children set an example which is hard to follow. He was very caring. In a society which allowed daughters to be buried alive by their parents, for fear of poverty, and which saw nothing wrong with abducting young children to sell them as slaves, the Prophet's kind treatment of young girls and boys seemed to come from a different world altogether.
It is well documented that the Prophet carried Umamah, his granddaughter, when he was leading the congregational prayer. When he prostrated himself, putting his forehead on the floor, as we are required to do in prayer, he would put her next to him on the floor. Then when he stood up for the next rak'ah, he lifted her and carried her. His action represented a great departure from how his Arabian society used to treat young children. A visitor to Madinah saw him kissing his grandson. He was amazed at his action.
He said: "Do you kiss a child? I have 10 children, and I never kissed one of them."
The Prophet said to him: "How can I help it if God has removed mercy from your heart?"
His answer pinpoints a very subtle aspect of human nature. It did not refer to the natural love a father feels toward his own children. It directs the man's attention to the quality of mercy, which expresses itself first and foremost in the treatment of children.
The Prophet was the head of a small state that was besieged by enemies, some of whom were very close to Madinah. The Jewish tribes were only a few kilometers away, and they collaborated with a number of hypocrites who lived in Madinah, pretended to be Muslim but were keen to undermine Islam in every possible way.
The Quraysh, the most powerful Arabian tribe, which had forced him and his companions to emigrate from Makkah, were attempting to crush the new Muslim state in Madinah. Yet despite all the pressures this placed on him, in addition to the heavy task of delivering God's message and molding the new Muslim community according to Islamic principles, the Prophet found time to play with his grandchildren and ensure that they were happy. He would go to Fatimah, his youngest daughter, and take one or both her sons to play with.
One day the Prophet was leading the congregational prayer in the mosque in Madinah when he prostrated himself for a very long while. His companions praying with him felt that the sujud, or prostration, was unduly long. As they could not lift their heads to find out, they worried that something wrong might have happened to the Prophet.
However, the Prophet then lifted his head and said Allah-u- Akbar, to indicate the next movement. When the prayer was over they asked him why the prostration was too long. They said that they were worried lest something might have happened to him. He said: "There was nothing wrong. It was only that my son was on my back and I did not wish to disturb him."
Let us look carefully at this and think how the Prophet did not wish to disturb a young child who sat on his back. The child must have been no more than three or four years old and the Prophet would allow him to detain the whole congregation in a particular position until the child decided to come down. That tells us much.
Komishanka oo ku dhawaaqay tirada codbixiyeyaasha Serve...
"Liiska diiwaanka qaranka ee codbixiyayaasha Somaliland sifayntiisa waxaanu u qorshaynay afar marxaladood inuu maro, marxaladda koowaad waxay ahayd mid kombayuutarka lagu sifaynayo wixii ku celceliyey ama khalad ah, marxaladda labaadna waxay ahayd in wixii kombuyuutarku garan waayo in Isha aadmiga lagu qabto, marxaladda saddexaadna waxay ahayd In kaadhadh cusub la soo sameeyo oo ka dib liiska inoo soo baxa loo soo bandhigo dadweynaha, kaadhadhkaa cusubna la siiyo dadweynaha, wixii ku celceliyay ee la qabatayna laga saaro, ka dibna uu soo noqdo liis nadiif ah oo doorashada lagu galo, marxaladda afraadna waxay ahayd maalinta codaynta in la yareeyo ku celcelinta codka oo aanu farsamooyin fara badan oo khadku ka mid yahay la isticmaalo," ayuu raaciyay Afhayeenku. "Markii hore ee la qaadayay diiwaangelinta nidaamkii la inoo soo sameeyay waxa loogu talagalay oo keliya Farta dadku inay dhigaan, ka dibna Farta lagu kala saaro, laakiin waxa dhacday in dadkeenu kala badh in ka badani ay Farta dhigi waayeen, dabadeedna Koombuyuutarkii aanu wada qaban oo aanu wada akhriyi karayn, ka dibna waxa loo gudbay oo la yidhi wejiga ha qabto. Markaa nidaamkaas oo aan marka hore loogu talo galin baa la doonay in dib loo galiyo oo laga daba keenay, markaa labadii baa la israaciyay oo sidii looga shaqaysiiyay, intii ay qabanayeena way qabteen ilaa boqol kun oo qof (100,000) ayay qabteen," ayuu yidhi Maxamed Axmer Xirsi.
Waxa uu sheegay in hawshaa ay heshiis kula galeen shirkad Ingiriis ah oo ERIS la yidhaahdo, kuwaasoo uu tilmaamay inay yihiin khubaro aqoon sare u leh hawshaa. "Markaa kuwiibaa intii dambe halkii ka qaaday oo sii waday, waxa la galay marxaladii Koombuyuutarka iyo Isha la isu raacinayay, intaana waxaanu ku qabanay ilaa todobaatan kun (70, 000) oo Carruur ah, dad ku celceliyay iyo dad aan jooginba oo inta ay sawirkooda oo keliya soo direen kamarada loo dhigay. Waxa kale oo jiray lix iyo sagaashan kun (96,000) oo la yidhi Koombuyuutarku wuu akhriyi kari waayay oo xisbiyadu ay isla garteen iyada oo aan la hubin in laga saaro oo laga tago. Waxa kale oo jiray tirooyin kale oo Koombuyuutarka ka maqnaa oo aan la gelin, marka la isku daro labadaasi waxay noqonayaan 106,000 ilaa 108,000 oo ka maqnaaba diiwaanka, taasna dib baa loogu noqday, ka dibna halkaa waxa ka soo baxay in ilaa sagaashan kun (90,000) oo qof uu sax yahay nidaamkoodu oo markii hore si xaq-daro ah looga tirtiray oo imika ku soo noqday…Markaanu 70,000 ka saarnay, 80,000-na ay ku soo kordheen tiradu halkeedii ayuun bay taagnaanaysaa. Laakiin, macnaheedu maaha waxba lama qaban, waxa la qabtay 100, 000 oo qof oo Koombuyuutarku ka saaray iyo 70,000 oo kale oo gacanta iyo Isha lagaga saaray," ayuu yidhi.
Afhayeenka Komishanku waxa uu sheegay in la xoojiyay awooda Server-ka kala hufayay liiska codbixiyeyaasha Somaliland, waxaanu sheegay in shirkad laga leeyahay Koonfur Afrika oo ay heshiis kula galeen daabacaada kaadhadhka cusubi ay dhowaan keeni doono, isla markaana ay horaanta bisha May dadweynaha u qaybin doonaan. "Wax walba xal bay leeyihiin, farsamada iyo Severka aynu haynaa intii aynu ku qaban karaynay waa lagu qabtay, waxa kale ee inoo hadhay waxay noqonayaan in diiwaangelin cusub la galo ama in gebigiisaba la tritiro, taana markii aanu eegnay anagu inaynu doorasho galno iyo inaynaan galin, waxaanu goosanay in doorasho la galo. Su'aal baanu isweydiinay, liiska inoo soo baxay ee aynu hayno ma ku gali karnaa doorasho, ma yahay mid aynu ummadeena u sheegi karno oo odhan karno liiskaasi waa liis hagaagsan?. Waxaanu isla qaadanay khalad wuu ku jiraa, caalamkana lama heli karo wax 100% sax ah, laakiin waa liis aynu ku geli karno, bandhigida liiska iyo kaadhadhka bixintooda oo wixii khalad ah ee ku hadhayna aynu ku sixi karno, iyadoo aynu is wacyigelinteena iyo khadkii nidaamkaa aynu ku samayn karno. Sidaa darteed, waxaanu go'aansanay in aanaan dalka dib ugu celin xaaladii uu soo maray September 2009-kii ee isku dhaca keentay, buuqa keentay ee la isku qabsaday diiwaangelin halagu galo iyo yaan lagu galin ee dadku ku baxay ee dhiig ku daatay inaynaan dib ugu noqon ayaanu go'aansanay oo aynu hore u socono, horena waynu u soconay oo liis fiican baa inoo soo baxay oo aanu odhan karno 90% waa sax. Haddii uu khalad ku jiro ugu badanaan 10% baa ku jira," ayuu yidhi.
Afhayeenka Guddiga Doorashooyinku waxa uu tilmaamay in wanaag kasta oo ka soo baxa diiwaangelinta iyo hawlaha dalka uu dhaxalkooda dadku leeyahay, isla markaana haddii aan wax la wada wanaajin aanu Mishiin bani'aadam sameeyay waxba hagaajin karin. "Haddaba, arrinkii wuu soo dhamaaday, inaga Faranji dambe oo inoo imanayaa oo ina dhexdhexaadinayaa ma jiro, bulsho caalam oo kale oo inoo gurmanaysa oo siyaasiyiinteena iyo inaga oo is dilayna ina kala qabanaysaa ma jirto, xil baa anaga lana saaray dariiqii sharciga ahaa ee aanu ku nimi anagoo u dhan xisbiyada qaranka iyo golayaasha Baarlamankeena sida Guurtida golaha Wakiillada ee umaddu soo dooratayna wuu na ansixiyey, ummadun kalsooni balaadhan bay nasiisay oo aanu ognahay oo aad ugu mahadnaqayno, ninka sahanka loo dirtaana dadkiisa been uma sheego, meel aanu waxba ku ogayn ma yidhaahdo waan idiin rarayaa," ayuu raaciyay Mr. Geelle oo hadal dheer ka jeediyay shirkaa jaraa'id. "Umadda waxaanu u sheegaynaa, hawshii Server-ku way naga dhamaatay, meel dambe oo lagaga noqdaana ma jirto," ayuu yidhi.
Sidoo kale, waxa uu sheegay in Komishan ahaan ay siyaasiyiinta Axsaabta ka codsanayaan inay taageerayaashooda ku wacyigeliyaan in qof waliba hal kaadh qaato, marka ay todobaadka labaad ee bisha May qaybinta kaadhadhka cusub bilaabaan.
Afhayeenku waxa uu sheegay in tirada isdiiwaangelisay ee Server-ku soosaaray dhan tahay in ka badan hal Milyan iyo boqol kun oo qof, hase yeeshee waxay sheegeen in qaybinta kaadhadhku wax sii sixi doonto.
Ugu dambayn, waxa su'aalo arrimaha doorashada la xidhiidha si wadajir ah uga jawaabay guddoomiyaha Komishanka Ciise Yuusuf Maxamed (Xamari), guddoomiye kuxigeenka Cali-Khadar Xasan Cusmaan iyo Afhayeenka guddiga Maxamed Axmed Xirsi Geelleh. "Waxa weeye, tiradan imika soo baxday tiradii doorashada lagu galayay maaha, doorashada tirada lagu galayo wali qayb sifaynta ka mid ah ayaa socota, Serverkii ayuun baanu ka soo jeedsanay. Marka imika kaadhadhka loo geeyo dadka, dadka waxa lagu wacyi-gelinayaa qofkii laba jeer isdiiwaangeliyay ee laba u badbaaday mid uun baad xaq u leedahay ee qaado midkii, markaa wacyi-gelintay ka mid tahay, kaadhadhka ka soo noqda goobaha ayaa kaadhadhka waxa la socda Scanners akhriyaya, toban Scanner baa la socda la oo marinayaa, markiiba waxa soo baxaya tiradii soo noqotay, wuxuuna ka goynayaa tiradii hore ee la diray, waxaana soo baxaya goob kasta tirada saxda ah, tirade lagu codaynayaana waa tirada laga qaato goobahaa, laakiin maaha tiradan imika Serverka ku soo baxaysa," sidaana waxa yidhi guddoomiyaha Komishanka oo la waydiiyay inuu iftiimin ka bixiyo tiradada halka Milyan iyo boqolka kun ee qof ka badan ee Server-ku soosaaray iyo waxay uga jeedaan in sifayn dambe hadhay, tan hadda la haya aan lagu cabir qaadan karin tirada codbixiyeyaasha.
Courtesy: OGAAL
29 April, 2010
President Riyale came to power by accident not by design
Having served for so long in the late Egal's shadow, his leadership skills were an unknown quantity beyond his being a good listener who speaks little and whose behaviour in public seems stilt. Since Riyale, the incumbent President had not been in the political arena prior to his Vice – Presidency - he had been essentially unpopular figure across the country let alone internationally. He was overshadowed by the late President and father of nation – Mr. Mohamed H. Ibrahim Egal, who had been in the political field for more than five decades or so. President Riyale was bereft of all oratorical skills and all sorts of political experience that the Presidency demands; he did not have a political decisiveness and guts to confront with the challenges faced by him during his Vice-Presidency.
Many people who are not versed in the politics of nascent republic of Somaliland principally, those non Somalilanders are presumably gobsmacked by the fashion in which such least qualified President had come to power as President of Somaliland. Riyale took the helm of the country thanks to the death of his predecessor – Mohamed H. Ibrahim Egal who died on 3 May 2002 while receiving medical treatment in South Africa.
When the news of President Egal's death reached Hargeisa, the leaders of Somaliland's three councils (the two chambers of Parliament and the Council of Ministers) met to decide upon a course of action. Article 130 of the constitution stipulated that in the event of the President' death prior to the adoption of a multiparty system, the Parliament should elect a new President within 45 days. In the meantime, the speaker of the Parliament of House of Elders should serve as interim ChiefExecutive. It was an arrangement some believed was intended to preclude the accession of the Vice – President. Dahir Riyale, a Gadabursi, to the Presidency. "President Egal wanted to replace Riyale and establish a new team for the next government", a politician close to late President Egal explained to the International Crisis Group known as ICG." He – President Egal didn't want to leave the system as it was. In the wake of the referendum, he even called some Samaroon elders and asked them who else they might suggest as Vice- President.
The leaders managing the transition were less concerned with Palace intrigues than with avoiding a political vacuum. Whether it was by accident or by design, they set aside Article 139 of the constitution an opted instead to apply Article 89 (intended to come into effect only after the first elections), which states that the Vice –President shall assume the office of the Presidency for the remainder of the term. By sunset on 3 May, Riyale had been sworn in as interim President until March 2003, and Somaliland had successfully navigated its first constitution transition.
President Riyale's maiden Speech as interim President
Thousands of people young and old thronged to the Kheyria square in the capital of Somaliland – Hargeisa in order to witness to the maiden speech being delivered by the provisional President of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin. Every singly body was extremely interested in Riyale's speech, because it was his first ever speech as President so this has invited a large scale of gathering at the Kheyria square. Luckily, I had been one of those audiences who thronged there to observe the inaugural speech of the President. More importantly, it was even difficult for some people to pronounce his name accurately, because this indicates that he was unpopular in the political sphere let alone throughout Somaliland. President Riyale seemed calm, cautious optimism in his speech, but was little jittery despite the fact that it was his inaugural speech being made to such gigantic throng that congregated at the Kheyria premises. In his inaugural address, President Riyale has made a deluge of promises – the most prominent pledges were: The extension of the administration to the eastern regions of Somaliland, judicial reforms and holding Presidential and Municipal polls as scheduled.
In mid – 2002, Riyale declared judicial reforms as one of his top priorities, and ordered a bold shake –up of the justice system. The initiative was unpopular with sitting judges, but was warmly welcomed by a public exasperated by the judiciary's deterioration to state of "an open market where "justice is sold to the highest bidder." As part of reform effort, President Riyale appointed a new Chief Justice, Said Farah Ahmed and established an advisory Committee on the judiciary, which six judges described as unconstitutional and subsequently resigned. Riyale then booted the four remaining members to the Apex bench. Therefore, in April, 2003 when the Supreme Court was called upon to hand down judgment on the National Election Commission's decision, there were severe justices on the bench, all of them appointed by Riyale. Not surprisingly, many Somalilanders concluded (to paraphrase the American columnist Thomas Friedman's assessment of the 2000 American Presidential election) that the justice voted twice for President Riyale once in April and once in May.
By fulfilling some of his promises, Riyale visited Lascanod in December 2002, which ended in a shoot –out between his bodyguards and militia sent by the former leader of Somalia semi – autonomous region of Puntland, Abdillahi Yusuf to liquidate him, reinforced the Dhulbahante sense of alienation. After the visit, Riyale imposed a state of emergency on Sool region, only to lift it in time for the local elections. In the aftermath of his abortive visit to Lascanod, Riyale gave orders that certain Somaliland officials should be withdrawn to the nearby town of Caynabo, ostensibly in order to thwart provoking a further clash. The resulting vacuum permitted the Puntland leadership to expand its presence in town.
President Riyale wins the Presidential Polls
On 14 April 2003, the people of Somaliland enjoyed an experience all too rare in the Horn of Africa: an election without a predetermined outcome. The re-election of the incumbent President, Dahir Riyale Kahin, came as surprise for a number for reasons: firstly, because of the razor thin margin of his victory, secondly, because he is not a member of Somaliland's majority clan. Thirdly, because the opposition was tipped to win.
Somaliland's Presidential election since was remarkable for other reasons as well: it was the second election since December 2002, after a democratic hiatus of 32 years, and third time in as many years that Somalilanders have been given the opportunity to express their preference at the ballot box. These first bold steps towards democratisation set Somaliland apart from the rest of Somalia republic, which has become synonymous with the term "failed state" since the collapse of Siyad Barre's despotic regime in 1991 at a time when the Horn of Africa has been described as home to some of the "world's worst regimes."
Long before polling day, it was clear that outcome of the Presidential election would be a close call. But when on the afternoon of 19 April, the National Election Commission finally declared the preliminary results; the margin of victory was uncomfortably thin: UDUB had won by only 80 votes. Prior to the elections, party leaders on all sides had committed themselves to abide by the electoral outcome. But the NEC's wobbly calculations which involved errors, omissions and the disqualified of over a dozen ballot boxes invited controversy. Both Kulmiye and UDUB cried foul and began to prepare complaints for submission at the Apex court, which was scheduled to announce the definitive result on 8 May.
Kulmiye's initial challenge which it presented at a Hargeisa press conference on 23 April was deceptively simple NEC had simply botched its and erroneously dropped 156 Kulmiye's votes. Using the NEC's figures, Kulmiye reckoned it had actually won the election by 76 votes. But the commission stuck by its figures, and argued that, even if mistakes had been made, only the Apex court could now revise the preliminary election results. Its final report on the process asserts: Preliminary results were just that… preliminary results. The final authority of declaring of the winner of the election is the Supreme Court. The framers of the electoral law, the Parliament, recognised this system which provides the parties with a legal forum to present their grievances in the event of they decide to contest the preliminary results. Procedurally speaking, the commission's position was solid, but its refusal to review its won figures in light of Kulmiye's allegations drew angry charges that the commissioners had just "passed the buck" and awakened suspicion of their motives.
Apex Court Verdict
The responsibility for passing final judgment on the election fell to highest organ of Somaliland's judiciary: the Supreme Court. Both Kulmiye and UDUB presented their grievances in writing to the Apex court, which then sought clarification from the NEC. On the basis of this information, the Court then conducted open hearings with the representatives of the political parties and the NEC lawyers. Arriving at a judgment, the court essentially faced two options: either to uphold the figures announced by the NEC on 19 April, or to order recount. A third option, to assess whether specific ballot boxes had been justly or unjustly disqualified, would have been fairer to Somaliland's voters by ensuring that no vote was unnecessarily wasted, but it also threatened to open a Pandora's box of claims and counterclaims, probably requiring a delay of weeks, of not months, before, final decision could be reached. The Court, however, identified an unexpected fourth option: to present, without elucidation, different set of figures: UDUB had won the election not only 80 votes, but 217. Since the Court offered no explanation for the change, its 11 May verdict raised more questions that it answered and opened the Court to accusation of political bias. Indeed, Somaliland's judiciary has spent most of the past decade mired in incompetence, corruption and political interference. A recent report by a local research Organisation found the judiciary to be"the most neglected and under-funded of the three orders of the government," and described its application of law as "ad hoc, non-uniform, and highly subjective."
Kulmiye was not alone in questioning UDUB's electoral victory, "everyone, including the cabinet, thought Kulmiye had won. An NEC member told ICG. "They had strong campaign, better propaganda, and they were gaining momentum." Even UDUB' leaders anticipated." They were furious … they felt they had been robbed of victory," stated a Parliamentarian who visited the Presidency the night before the NEC's decision. "I first heard that Kulmiye had won," Riyale told ICG, "and I was preparing to step down." However, the blame fell upon Kulmiye whose leadership steadfastly refused to accept defeat." The problem is that this is a system that knows one way to work; it's not for pluralism," one party activist told ICG, justifying the party's position."This is a government that chose its Parliament, named the Supreme Court and the Election Commission, then became a political party and arranged its own re-election. It was the judge, jury and executioner. Where is the democracy in that?"Kulmiye's chairman, Siilanyo, however, seemed anxious to downplay fears that party's truculence night turn to violence:
I am a reasonably man and a man of peace. If it were alone and it was my decision alone, I could afford to say "fine, that is the way it happened and let's move on." But I am not alone… some of my supporters say "why don't you just form a (parallel) government?" But I won't go down that road, because no one can guarantee that we won't end up like Mogadishu.
On 16 May 2003, Riyale was sworn in as Somaliland's President in a low-key ceremony at the State House from which opposition leaders were absent. UCID, satisfied with its unexpectedly robust third place finish, quickly announce its acceptance of the results. But when Kulmiye rejected the outcome and declared the court's decision illegitimate. Somalilanders at home and abroad held breath, fearful the worst. But some time later Kulmiye accepted the defeat and congratulated the new elect President, Riyale.
Conclusion
Being a Gadabursi has worked both for and against Riyale. Many Somalilanders are proud of that their political system has produced a leader from a minority clan – something that no other part of Somalia, nor even Djibouti, has managed to do. Others believe that Riyale offers better prospects for Somaliland's peace and stability than an Isaaq President since the destructive intra-Isaaq power struggles of the 1990s can be set aside. But significant number of majority clan resent seeing a minority President lead the country, among Harti of eastern of Somaliland, the notion of a minority President is also unpopular. Some simply feel that minority President lacks the political clout to take tough decisions in difficult times.
However, whether President Riyale came to power by accident or by design his days are numbered and lost the confidence and the trust which the people of Somaliland had reposed in him and his tenure had proven to be failure. The vast majority of Somalilanders are yearning for a Regime Change, which is the need of the hour and at this juncture, people see to it that change has come to Somaliland, and is highly inevitable. People should realise that the ballot is more powerful that the bullet and let's unseat the current sitting unpopular government that failed on every front by exercising our franchise at the ballot box.
Mukhtar Mohamed Abby
India, Karnataka State
The writer can be reached at
Muuse Biixi oo Caddeeyey in Haddii KULMIYE ku Guulaysto Talada aanay ku Dhaqmi Doonin Heshiisyadii Rayaale Galay Mudadii Dheeraadka ahay ee uu Xilka Hayey
| Muuse Biixi oo Caddeeyey in Haddii KULMIYE ku Guulaysto Talada aanay ku Dhaqmi Doonin Heshiisyadii Rayaale Galay Mudadii Dheeraadka ahay ee uu Xilka Hayey 'Waxanu ku Hawlgalaynaa Waqtiga Komishanku Gooyey oo ah ugu Dambeyn 30-ka June inay Doorashadu Dhacdo wixii ka Dambeeyana Iskuma ogin, mana oggolin, wixii' Hargeysa (Jam)- Guddoomiye-ku-xigeenka 1aad ee xisbiga mucaaradka ee KULMIYE Md. Muuse Biixi Cabdi, ayaa ku hanjabay in xisbi ahaan aanay sinaba u aqbalay in doorashada madaxtooyadu dhaafto bisha 30 June ee sannadkan 2010, isaga oo xusay wixii ka dambeeya maalintaas aanay oggoleyn doorasho dhacda. Muj. Muuse Biixi Cabdi oo shalay ka hadlayey munaasibad xisbiga KULMIYE Jaamacadda Burco ugu wareejinayey gaadhi noociisu yahay Serf oo ay hore ugu ballanqaadeen, waxa uu ku nuux-nuuxsaday in cidda ku hawlan carqaladaynta qabsoomida doorashada aan sinaba looga yeeli doonin. "Sida aynu wada ognahay Komishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranku wuxuu ballanqaaday oo uu go'aamiyey in bisha June doorashada dhacayso, waanan soo dhoweynaynaa, waxa maalmahan u dambeeyey xisbiga talada haya ee UDUB ka soo baxayey hadallo is-khilaafsan, waad maqasheen Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenku warraysi uu siiyey BBC-da, waxaannu sheegay inay si cad diyaar ugu yihiin doorashada inay qabsoonto waqtigeeda, aad ayaannu u soo dhoweynaynaa dhawaaqaa Md. Axmed Yuusuf Yaasiin, isaga oo raaciyey haddii nagala helo si xilkasnimo leh ayaanu u wareejinaynaa, waa dhawaaq masuuliyadeed, xilkasnimo, waddaniyadeed, waxaanan leenahay xisbiga UDUB halkaas ha ka leexanin, war aan kaa ahayna yaanaan kaa maqlin. Isla xalay [habeen hore] waxa khilaafay hadalkaa Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka qaar ka mid ah xisbiga UDUB oo Tv-ga Qaranka iyo saxaafadda ka lahaa, waa lagu degdegay iyo diyaar uma nihin, waxaannu raacaynaa hadalka Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka, doorashadana wixii carqaladaynaya halaga daayo. Waxaynu ognahay in aynu gelnay heshiis lix qodob ah oo adduunku innagu dhex joogo, waxa ka mid ahaa wixii Seerfarkaa ka soo baxa in aannu aqbalayno oo aannu hore u saxeexnay, xisbina ka hadli karin, waxaananu ku hawlgalnay wixii ay soo saaraan aqoonyahannada ay gacantooda ku jirto ayaanu ku hawlgalaynaa. Waxaannu ku hawlgalaynaa waqtigaa uu gooyey Komishanku oo ah ilaa 30 June ayey noo calaamadiyeen, ugu dambeyn 30-ka June inay doorashadu dhacdo wixii ka dambeeyana iskuma ogin, mana oggolin, wixii carqaladaynayana waxaannu leenahay waa waxaan loo fadhiyey iyo hadimo horlee ha laga daayo," ayuu yidhi Guddoomiye-ku-xigeenka 1aad ee xisbiga mucaaradka ee KULMIYE. Muj. Muuse Biixi Cabdi waxa uu caddeeyey in xisbi ahaan hadii ay talada dalka ku guulaystaan aanay aqbalayn heshiisyada madaxweyne Rayaale mudadii dheeraadka ahayd ee uu xilka hayey galay hadii aanu golaha wakiiladu ansixinaanay, isaga oo xusay in hoggaamiyayaasha bulshadooda ixtiraamaya marka wakhtigu ka dhamaado aanay wax cusub curin Karin, heshiisyana geli Karin, balse ay yihiin oo qudha qaar xilka sii haya inta si sharci ah loo dooranayo cida beddelaysa. Guddoomiye-ku-xigeenka KULMIYE oo arrimahaa ka hadlaya waxa uu yidhi; "Geeska Afrika dab ayaa ka qarxayaa, maalin walba waxaynu aragnaa dagaallo iyo budhcad-badeed iyo sida adduunku u hayaano oo ah meel gubanaysa, Somaliland waxay ka mid tahay meelaha yaryar ee nabdoon, waxaanna nabaddaa keenay dadkooda oo isku dulqaatay, marka la isku dulqaadanayo qoys, saaxiibo, ganacsato, laba arday ha ahaato, nin baa wax ku qaldan oo qalooca ah ku dulqaadanay. Markaa Somaliland intii u soo dhibtooday ee u soo halgantay ee lexejeclada ka qabtay ayaa mar walba u dulqaadata, dulqaadka ay kuwaas ku dulqaadaan ayey nabaddu ku fadhidaa, markaa waxaynu maraynaa xukuumad shan sanno la doortay oo siddeed sanno sii cago-cagaynaysa, laba sanno iyo badh Madaxweynaha iyo Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenku waxay ku fadhiyaan muddo-dhaaf, codkii lagu doortayna kuma joogaan, madaxweynaha iyo madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka marka uu wakhtigoodu dhammaado awoodaha qaar ma laha sida caalamka awoodaha waaweyn, wadamada garaadka badan ee ixtiraamaya bulshadooda, hadii wakhtigiisu dhammaado ma badali karo wasiir, heshiis caalami ahna ma geli karo, wax cusubna ma curin karo, waayo waxa uu sugayaa oo uu sii haynayaa si la iskugu soo gaadho oo dowlada dambe ee timaadaa hawlaha halkaas uga sii wado. Waxa aanu lee nahay, intan uu wakhtigiisu dham maaday, (madaxweyne Rayaale), intaas oo heshiis ayuu galay maalin walba wasiir ayaa la magacaabaa, waxaasi waxay u eegtahay meel ka dhac oo maamulka dowladnimo ayay meel ka dhac ku tahay, mid kaliya ayaan ku soo koobayaa heshiis yada caalamiga ah ee la galay mudadaas, haddii aanay ansixin golayaasha sharciga ahi waxba kama jirayaan, dowlada soo socotana ma qabanayo sharcigaasi, waayo wakhtigiisa ayaa dhamaaday oo sharci kumuu fadhiyin, markaa waxa wanaagsan in la dhowro maamulka iyo sharciyada iyo siday dowladu u dhaqanto." Waxa kale oo uu ku dheeraaday Muj. Muuse Biixi Cabdi kaalinta uu ka qaado xisbigoodu waxqabadka bulshada iyo siday xukuumaddu marwalba ugu fashilanto bixinta qaadhaannadau ballanqaado bulshada. Guddoomiyaha Jaamacadda Burco Prof. Cabdiraxmaan Jaamac Ducaale oo ka guddoomay gaadhigaas, ayaa si weyn ugu mahadnaqay xisbiga KULMIYE oo uu sheegay inay ka qaybqaateen horumarka bulshada Somaliland, isla markaana ay gaadhigaasi dusha sare kaga xardhi doonaan, 'Waxa Gaadhigan Jaamacadda Burco ugu deeqay xisbiga KULMIYE.' |
Jamhuuriya Online |
SOMALIA: IRIN Radio gets the thumbs up
NAIROBI, 29 April 2010 (IRIN) - A new independent audience survey commissioned by IRIN shows that 72 percent of Somali radio listeners in Somalia and the refugee camps in Kenya listen regularly, if not daily, to IRIN Radio's Somali service.
IRIN Radio broadcasts a one-hour programme of humanitarian information in Somali direct to Somalia and the Somali-speaking region every day on shortwave. The programme is rebroadcast by several local FM radio stations in Somalia, northeastern Kenya and Nairobi, where there is a large Somali-speaking community. The main purpose of the survey was to assess the reach of IRIN Radio's Somali service and to evaluate audience opinion of its programming.
The survey, conducted by Mogadishu-based firm Organizational Development and Community Empowerment Firm (ODCEF), drew on interviews using a standard questionnaire. A total of 781 respondents were surveyed in seven Somali regions (Bari, Mudug, Galgudud, Hiran, Benadir, Lower Shabelle, and Bay), as well as in Hagadera and Dadaab refugee camps in northeastern Kenya, and Nairobi.
The results indicate that IRIN Radio's listening figures peaked at above 80 percent in the rural areas of Mudug and Galgadug, where people are reliant on shortwave as local FM services do not reach them, and in the refugee camps.
"The research team noted that society feels at peace with IRIN Radio," ODCEF's report concluded. "IRIN Radio has been seen by all of its listeners as a valuable and listenable radio which instills in all Somali people a sense of humanity and empathy. It is also regarded as a great initiative, as it reveals the actual and overall humanitarian situation which unfolds daily on the ground in Somalia, especially for the people escaping from the war, in dire difficulties and in need of assistance."
Two hundred respondents in different areas were questioned more closely in focus group discussions on what they like or do not like about IRIN Radio. Listeners appeared to value IRIN for its focus on humanitarian and social issues - something they find relatively infrequently in other sources. Many listeners commented that they particularly enjoy IRIN's debates and discussion programmes and socially-aware radio dramas.
Full report as a downloadable PDF
Radio is extremely popular among Somalis. Mogadishu alone has some 16 radio stations. But the Somali media scene has taken a bashing over the last 4-5 years, and being the primary source of news and information, radio has, of course, come off worst.
Seven of the nine Somali journalists killed in 2009 [http://cpj.org/reports/2010/04/cpj-2010-impunity-index-getting-away-with-murder.php] were known because of their radio work.
Somalis reacted with a characteristic mix of outrage and humour when Islamist insurgent groups imposed a ban on 13 April on music on the airwaves. Most Mogadishu radios complied out of fear, with some using animal noises to fill the void. [http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=88805]
Independent media is still in its infancy in Somalia, emerging in 1991 as civil war put an end to state control. There is currently no national radio.
Local media accuracy and impartiality have been inevitable early victims of the ongoing instability. Many Somalis twiddle the dial on their radio sets to tune in to as many local sources - and often crackly foreign transmissions - as possible, seeking to jigsaw together an idea of what is really going on in the country or their locality.
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SUDAN-SOMALIA: Dangerous for minorities
NAIROBI, 29 April 2010 (IRIN) - Somalia and Sudan are ranked first and second respectively out of 10 countries where communities face the greatest risk of violence resulting from prevailing armed conflict, political violence, displacement and absence of the rule of law, according to a new analysis.
Other countries listed in Peoples under threat 2010 [http://www.minorityrights.org/?lid=9889&bid=115] by Minority Rights Group International (MRG), a London-based NGO, are Iraq, Afghanistan, Myanmar, Pakistan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Nigeria and Chad.
"With the absence of an effective state authority or an accepted rule of law in Somalia, marginalized minorities outside the clan system, like both the Bantu and Gaboye, are at particular risk of persecution," Marusca Perazzi, spokeswoman for MRG, told IRIN at the launch of the report in Nairobi on 27 April.
According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), [http://www.unhcr.org/.../country,,,COUNTRYPROF,SOM,456d621e2,4954ce42c,0.html], the Bantu minority are Somalia's forgotten people, and together with other communities, such as the Gaboye and other caste groups like the Tumal, they experience discrimination and lack effective security.
The minorities at stake in Sudan include the Murle, Kachipo, Anyuak, Jie and Longarim, Didinga and Boya. They face the risk of attacks from the majority Dinka, MRG said, who want to appropriate land belonging to minorities, or clashes from within the minority communities who have not learnt to accommodate each other or due to revenge fights caused by cattle rustling. They are also at risk of poor or no government representation and climate change.
"Taking the case of Sudan, the referendum on independence for the South in 2011 is a critical time," Oleyo Longony from the Boma Development Initiative, a Sudanese NGO working with MRG, told IRIN. "The suspected unhappiness because of the proposed border demarcations and the fact that people are already re-arming, could lead to mass violence, particularly for the Dinka and Nuer peoples."
Also at risk are the Fur, Zaghawa and Massalit in Darfur.
"We believe than when minorities are not protected or do not have a voice in the government, sooner or later it will lead to violence," said Perazzi. "Thus, the massacres in the country were supported by the fact that foreign countries failed to address these nuanced details when preparing for negotiations and during their aid interventions."
Early warning
The MRG analysis is based on indicators of good governance from the World Bank, conflict indicators from the Center for Systemic Peace, as well as the country credit risk classification published by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
MRG says the three states that have risen most prominently in the table in 2010 are Sudan, the Russian Federation and the Philippines.
On several occasions in the past five years, countries that have risen sharply up the table have later proved to be the scene of gross human rights violations, Perazzi told IRIN.
For example, Kenya was ranked 51 out of 176 countries in 2007. The following year, Kenya shot up to number 14 after elections in December 2007 sparked widespread violence that claimed more than 1,000 lives and displaced some 600,000 people.
Prior to the poll violence MRG had signalled that Kenya was on the brink of ethnic violence if the government failed to demonstrate a commitment to addressing deeply ingrained historical social injustices engulfing Kenya's ethnic landscape.
In the latest rankings, Kenya is 41st, a significant drop, according to Mohamed Matovu, MRG's Regional Information Officer, because of recent political reforms and the threat of International Criminal Court indictments hanging over several senior politicians.
Kenyan ethnic groups still at risk include the Borana, Kalenjin, Kikuyu, Luhya, Somali, Turkana, Endorois, Maasai and Ogiek. The Kalenjin, Luhya and Kikuyu are at risk of targeted inter-ethnic attacks and revenge killings from minority communities that feel their deprivation and marginalization is deliberately orchestrated by elites within the majority ethnic tribes.
According to MRG, some Kenyan minorities (Somalis, Ogieks, Endorois, etc) face even greater risks because of forced land grabbing and displacement, rendering them voiceless within national political and decision-making processes.
"The difference between our statistical analysis tool and other products is that ours is an early warning system, not an assessment done in the aftermath of events. Minorities are not defined by numbers but by the lack of participation and exclusion from the decision-making process. This creates political instability and for us, is an indicator and clear warning that the future of the country is at stake," Matovu told IRIN.
cp/am/eo/mw[END]
PALESTINIAN GIRLS TAKE SCIENCE PROJECT FROM UN SCHOOL TO SILICON VALLEY
Three teenagers studying in a United Nations-funded school in a refugee camp in the West Bank have been chosen to join 1,500 finalists, Nobel Laureates and leading scientific minds in the world's largest pre-college science fair where their prototype of an electric cane could win a $50,000 grand prize.
"They are the Albert Einsteins of tomorrow," the UN News Centre was told today by Chris Gunness, spokesperson for the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (<"http://www.unrwa.org/">UNRWA), the agency that provides basic services to about 4.7 million registered refugees.
"In the male-dominated world of science, for three refugee girls to find recognition on the international stage is incredible," Mr. Gunness said.
Asil Shaar, Nour Al-Arda and Asil Abu Lil, all aged 14, teamed up for a science project at UNRWA's Askar Girls' School in Nablus, north of Jerusalem, after seeing one of their visually impaired uncles struggle to walk on the region's hilly terrain.
While most electronic canes can tell what is in front, the girls devised a wooden walking stick that has a "seeing" sensor below – so it beeps when the surface changes, such as near stairs, holes or water, up to 30 inches away.
To perfect their prototype, the girls also visited organizations that work with visually impaired people and scoured electronic stores that were some 45 minutes and two Israeli checkpoints away from their homes.
The idea was nurtured at the UNRWA school by the girls and their teacher, Jameela Khaled, who said she felt like she had planted a tree and "now I take the fruit."
The girls' cane was chosen out of 56 Palestinian projects to attend next month's Intel International Science and Engineering Fair in San Jose, California, where they will meet with hundreds of leading scientists and researchers, and potential future employers.
"Intel and UNRWA both believe that if you empower the next generation, they will be able to meet any global challenge. Teaching children to think about problems rationally and creatively is an important contribution to peace and stability in the Middle East," said Mr. Gunness, adding that the girls are among the first Palestinians to take part in the fair.
The girls' selection to attend the Intel fair was bittersweet. There was only enough money to send two of the girls. The three flipped a coin, agreeing to leave Ms. Shaar behind.
Calling it "crazy" that all three could not attend, UNRWA staff began a collection and raised enough money to send Ms. Shaar as well. The good news was announced yesterday to the girls' classroom, amid tears and lots of hugging.
"I was happy for my friends, but I was also very sad. I'm very happy now because I'm going to represent UNRWA in California and go with my friends and teacher," Ms. Shaar told the UN News Centre by telephone.
"I am most excited about seeing our project in the contest with all the others. Everyone here is supporting us. I hope to come back with a win."
The girls are now in the process of getting their paperwork. For two of them, this will be the first time to leave the West Bank.
"Everyone concerned has really pulled together, UNRWA, the parents, also the American consulate in Jerusalem," Mr. Gunness said.
New Strategy to Resolve the Somali Conflict
by Mahamed Abdullahi
Monday, April 19, 2010
I hereby forward to the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) institutions, wider Somali public and the international community an alternative strategic plan to resolve the catastrophic situation and leadershipparalysis long prevailing in Somalia. The current TFG whose term expires August 2011 has totally failed due to lack of national vision, poor leadership and systemic corruption. This government continues to cling to the erroneous opinion that it can implement its mandate by end of its term. It fails to recognize at a great peril to the future of our people the realities on the ground that demand swift and concrete changes of mandate, strategy and the entire modus operandi. TFG's long publicized military offensive to rout the armed opposition, dubious peace deals and the illegal process of writing new constitution for the country in neighboring countries' five star hotels are empty measures designed to deflect public opinion so to prolong its stay in office which means continuation of the status quo.
The armed and extremist opposition groups are another failure having repeatedly rejected many peace proposals from different quarters and are unable to overthrow the TFG. They do not offer an alternative workable national solution other than continuation of the long conflict giving it a more dangerous religious anecdote and its internationalization. TFG's weak leadership, lack of proper counterinsurgency plan, high profile corruption scandals and the international community not delivering repeatedly pledged funds and material support has emboldened the opposition. The balance of power currently in favor of the armed opposition must be tackled head on to eliminate the plague of extremism, give chance to future peace talks and institute long term solutions.
Continuation of this situation only means destruction of Somali nationhood and identity.
The much suffering Somali nation urgently needs new approach and direction for national rebirth. The era of holding peace conferences in foreign lands to replace failed transitional government with another failure bound transitional government must end. Lasting solution must come from within on national basis and people's participation. The current TFG mandate mainly centered on reconciliation, preparation of the contentious federal constitution and multiparty elections has failed to be implemented for its lack of national consensus and not first resolving the security dilemma. TFG needs new achievable mandate which first focuses on restoring national security and unity and from there embark on the long processes of constitution making, decentralization, multiparty elections, development and further solidify national reconciliation. This approach is the only way by which peace, reconciliation and governance can prevail inSomalia. In this context, it is of paramount importance to urgently and meticulously reform the current TFG.
Outline of the plan:
Formation of new national government, change of TFG mandate and amendment of the Interim Charter
1. Formation of new national government
a. A new prime minister is to be named and approved by parliament to form new national government. The new cabinet must be reasonably sized (i.e. twenty ministers and five ministers of state) due to financial limitations and efficiency factors. Also, ten assistant ministers are to be named to broaden power sharing.
b. The new leadership must be selected on the basis of merit, competency and high integrity. The new government must fully embrace the far reaching reforms contained in this plan.
c. The new government will call for and start serious peace talks with all opposition groups.
2. New mandate of the TFG
a. Restoration of national sovereignty and unity, security and rule of law.
b. Mobilization and organization of the people inside and outside the country for national defense, reconciliation and development.
c. Relief, economic recovery, reconstruction and environmental protection.
d. Public service, capacity building and good governance.
e. Organizing national reconciliation and reconstitution conference inside the country.
3. Amendments to the Interim Charter
a. The new government will setup a legal committee to review the Interim Charter to amend its articles that are not consistent with the new mandate and also improve it to operate harmoniously with the emergent political dispensation.
b. The infamous 4.5 clan power sharing formula must be abolished due to its illegal and unjust nature. It has to be replaced with 5 clan power sharing formula on equal basis further improving government legitimacy, national unity and public support.
c. The new mandate and all other amendments have to be incorporated as part of the Interim Charter.
Review, reorganization and resource mobilization
1. The new government has to start its work by commissioning a comprehensive review process of the political, security and socio-economic situation of the country to produce an extensive national policy and strategic plan that will guide it.
a. The review process will focus on among others defense, security and intelligence; justice and reconciliation; finance, economic recovery, national planning and development; public service, capacity building and good governance; information, public mobilization and organization; foreign policy and international cooperation.
b. The government has to hold high profile public consultative meetings inside the country with each of the important sectors of society such as the traditional elders, religious leaders, business community, civil society, Diaspora, high ranking former civil, diplomatic, armed forces officers to gather their input and support for the review process and in the wider scope mobilize public support for the government.
2. Reorganization process covers the laws, public administration, international cooperation, military and security apparatus.
a. Effective and expanded state of emergency laws and regulations has to be introduced to better combat the internal emergency. The government will setup a legal committee to prepare such emergency laws and regulations.
b. High security zones need to be established to enable the government, foreign embassies and prominent members of society supporting the government to operate in an environment of safety.
c. Grand corruption cases must be investigated and prosecuted to end the reign of corruption. For the government to make public administration effective and regain Somali citizens and international partners' confidence it must seriously fight corruption and immediately adopt transparency and good governance practices. Effective National Anti-corruption Commission has to be setup to fight corruption. State officials and employees must be required by law to register their wealth and assets before assuming office.
d. Public service, judiciary and the diplomatic corps has to be overhauled to professionalize, modernize and their capacity strengthened as a matter of top priority. Effective system of public communication needs to be developed. State radio, television and information technology services has to be setup, expanded and modernized as an indispensable tool for informing, educating and guiding the public.
e. Parliament must be reorganized due to its expansion to six hundred ten members as a result of abolishing 4.5 formula, prevailing financial difficulties and for its efficient operations. The full parliament will only meet once a year. Parliament elects new Chair (Speaker and two Deputy Speakers) and another ninety seven of its members to form the Parliament Standing Committee to represent the full parliament and carry out its regular activities throughout the year. Members of the Parliament Standing Committee must be selected on the basis of merit, competency and high integrity. The Parliament Standing Committee is subdivided into the regular parliamentary committees.
f. The country will be divided into six super regions and corresponding military operational zones (southern, southwestern, capital, central, northeastern and northwestern) with parallel civil and military authorities. The regions and operational zones are designed in a manner to include all five major clans in each of them in order to ensure national unity, easy diffusion of national authority and create the environment of success for the counterinsurgency campaign. The governors and commanders leading each region and operational zone will not be from the area they are appointed to administer. The government must establish early presence in all six regions and operational zones to act as bridgeheads to introduce national authority and points of expansion.
g. In areas under government control all residents will be required by law to register and provided national identity card. The public will be legally required to carry national identity card at all times. Internally displaced people will be placed in controlled camps. These measures are aimed at isolating insurgents from the public.
h. The reorganization process includes mobilization of the wider public into non military national service program to undertake reconstruction and development works and as well serve as a labor program to reduce the rampant unemployment. Diaspora too are mobilized and organized in a centralized manner for lobbying the nation's interests internationally, resource mobilization and national development.
i. The new government and international partners have to solidify and coordinate their cooperation in new negotiated arrangement. It is of paramount importance that sufficient, timely and coordinated international support is secured and directly offered to the new Somali government.
j. Military and security apparatus reorganization must be carried out on national basis across clan and regional lines. Armed forces command has to be reformed and new strategy and tactics evolved. Former Somali armed forces officers and personnel need to be mobilized to provide leadership, training and form the overall base and model for the new forces. To succeed in today's modern and complex counterinsurgency warfare all armed services including the airforce and navy has to be reestablished. They must be provided adequate training and equipment. All basic training needs to be carried out inside the country in training camps setup in all operational zones to develop internal capacity and produce enough trained troops in short period of time. Foreign training will be for further and specialized trainings.
k. The national government has to directly and independently recruit its own troops from all over the country and mixed them across clan and regional lines. Militias who do not qualify to be part of the new army or police will be rehabilitated and inducted into the national service. To build professional and loyal forces as well raise moral and recruitment, the government has to provide reasonable basic salary, medical care and extra allowance for soldiers with families on regular and guaranteed basis. Continuation of the basic salary as pension, medical care and assistance with social development schemes need to be introduced as well for the wounded soldiers and families of soldiers who have fallen in the line of duty.
l. The national government must regain control of the airspace, airports and ports as the Interim Charter stipulates. Airports and ports not under the direct government control or management have to be blockaded except to inspected humanitarian traffic.
m. The Somali government has to secure complete lifting of the UN arms embargo on the government in order to sufficiently rebuild the Somali armed forces. Without the lifting of the arms embargo no counterinsurgency and stabilization campaign can succeed. The arms and other embargoes against the opposition have to remain, further strengthened and actively implemented.
3. Resource mobilization
a. The new government will organize in partnership with international partners a donor conference and debt cancellation for Somalia.
b. The government must strengthen and expand internal tax collection throughout the country across all businesses to increase national tax revenue. Somalia's funds and assets frozen outside the country have to be unfrozen to increase the available resources for the new government.
c. Non resident tax for the Diaspora has to be introduced to further increase government revenues. Diaspora too must contribute to national defense and development like other citizens inside the country. Diaspora tax evaders will be denied entry visa, consular services, voting rights, holding public office and enjoy future Diaspora investment benefits such as tax breaks until they pay all backdated tax.
d. Diaspora has to further contribute on charity basis to the National Relief and Development Fund supporting various relief and development projects throughout the country.
Counterinsurgency and stabilization campaign
1. Upon completion of the preparation phase a nationwide counterinsurgency and stabilization campaign will be launched to restore public security, rule of law and national unity. The preceding preparation phase does not prohibit defensive and limited operations.
a. A multifaceted approach to counterinsurgency has to be adopted. The insurgents need to be targeted at all levels whether ideological, military, intelligence, informational and at socio-economic levels.
b. National defense, security and intelligence center has to be established to centrally coordinate the campaign across the armed forces and government institutions.
c. The campaign must ensure it retains the hearts and minds of the people and their active support at all times. The government has to provide relief and medical aid in partnership with international partners to displaced citizens and immediately institute security, judiciary, reconciliation, public services and development in the liberated areas.
d. The campaign has to also tackle foreign fighters, funding, arms supply and external sanctuaries for the armed opposition. Elements of Diaspora supporting the armed opposition have to be stopped in all manners possible. Charcoal exports have to be banned and ports where charcoal is exported must be blockaded to further squeeze opposition funding and protect the environment. Foreign governments and international organizations concerned with these matters have to be actively engaged to seek their full cooperation.
2. Role of AMISOM peacekeeping force
a. AMISOM mandate must remain unchanged as approved by the UN Security Council.
b. AMISOM will not play primary role in the counterinsurgency and stabilization campaign for it has to be a Somali owned and led to ensure its long term success.
c. AMISOM must cease unnecessary artillery barrages against civilian populated areas.
3. Piracy
a. Piracy can only be tackled permanently by restoring governance, public services and development at the areas pirates operate and stopping foreign vessels plundering Somali marine resources and dumping toxic waste.
b. The national government has to directly takeover the districts pirates operate from and patrol the Somali exclusive economic zone to stop illegal acts of piracy, fishing and toxic waste dumping.
c. Pirates must face prosecution and imprisonment only in Somalia under the national government as specified by the law. Somali government has to actively seek all pirates in foreign custody to be repatriated to restore our sovereignty and government public standing. To achieve this goal, Somalia must improve its judiciary and prisons as top priority in collaboration with international partners.
National reconciliation and reconstitution conference inside Somalia
1. Following restoration of security, rule of law and reunifying the entire country, a national reconciliation and reconstitution conference is convened inside the country.
a. The conference is to discuss all long standing national issues and conflicts without exceptions and conditions to achieve national reconciliation and maps out the future of the nation. The conference has to be given sufficient time in order to reach a lasting national reconciliation.
b. The conference also convened as a constitutional convention will adopt a new Transitional Constitution and establishes new National Parliament on non-clan basis of electoral constituencies and National Unity Government representative of all sectors of society. The new National Unity Government is tasked to prepare and hold referendum for a permanent national constitution, implement decentralization, hold multiparty elections in stages and further solidify the long processes of reconciliation and development within prescribed time period as set by the conference.
2. The Somali government and people must fund the conference through a national fund to free it from financial pressures and enhance its independence.
The necessary and must implemented strategic plan articulated above is possible to be put into action in the immediate term if there is enough political will and of visionary leadership with strong character. Exceptional responsibility lies with Somali parliamentarians therefore they have to reconvene immediately from their near year long recess and unite to defend the nation's interests like their historic rejection of the memorandum of understanding with Kenya on delimitation of maritime boundary. The ongoing bickering of parliamentarians centering on whose mandate the parliament chair or current government has expired was engineered by the top leaders to keep them divided so not to reconvene and hold them accountable. This bickering is irrelevant for always the parliament has the authority to give its vote of confidence on both of them.
As the base of TFG, the parliament must once again rise to the occasion by adopting the far reaching reforms this strategic plan proposes. These reforms entail evolutionary changes necessitated by the prevailing political and security environment in the country and will be adopted democratically through the parliament in accordance with the Interim Charter. There is no need for major structural changes to the current TFG system. This phased approach to a lasting reconciliation and peace is what Somalia needs and anything less will fail.
The Somali conflict is not different from other conflicts around the world and can be overcome. There must be full support and participation from the Somali people. At the end of the day, it lies with the Somali people to uplift themselves from the long suffering and indignity. Our victory lies in our just aims, moral and political unity, hard labor and solidarity of our people.
The expanding conflict in Somalia has adverse influence on regional and wider international security. Somalia to achieve peace with itself and its neighbors is in the interest of all humanity. The international community has moral obligation to re-engage in Somalia in a very serious manner as it does with other conflict areas. It is not enough to "observe" or "wait and see" as has been the norm in the past two decades of Somali conflict. Friends and international partners of Somalia must genuinely offer all necessary support in sufficient, timely and coordinated manner channeled directly through the new Somali government.
This strategic plan offers a practical way out of the current national catastrophe therefore all stakeholders to this honorable endeavor have to act and must act now!
________________________________
Mahamed Abdullahi
Why we need PR voting
Why we need PR voting
George Galloway MPExtracts from a speech made by Respect MP George Galloway at the end of the Commons debate on the Single Transferable Vote system.
I am a long-time member of the Labour campaign for proportional representation. Indeed, I am still a member, although not a member of the Labour Party.
I came here this evening to support amendment (b), standing in the name of the Liberal Democrats. However, in extremis, I will support the Government, because what is proposed is a step forward and a slight improvement.
The Government are making a big mistake if they think that this little broom is going to sweep clean the Augean stables in this place. It will take far more radical proposals than this Government are likely to introduce to restore public trust in this place, and far more than have been canvassed in this debate, which, I am sorry to say, has been characterised by a complacent, joking, student debating society approach.
I have sat here for six and a half hours, shaking my head at the complacency on view on both sides. Members have no idea of the contempt out there in the country for the kind of debate and debating styles that have been on display this evening.
The reforms that we need in this place are beyond the reach of the existing Members of the House of Commons. That is why we urgently need a general election as soon as possible.
We need to change the way in which we approach all our politics, and in my view, that includes retiring this very building. We need to acknowledge that it has become a museum-
I am in favour of the kind of reforms that are beyond this House, but I shall confine my remarks to those that are not. That there is cynicism is obvious.
The Government are in favour of a referendum on this - a voting system that no one in the country is talking about - but on nothing else. A referendum on the Lisbon treaty, which everyone in the country was talking about, was promised in the manifesto, but it was denied.
The single transferable vote system is certainly not beyond the voters of the Republic of Ireland who have developed that system into a fine art. It is as fine an art of political sophistication as is available anywhere in the western world.
It is not beyond our people to grasp its complexities. Neither is it the case that one of the three Members for Dublin South is not regarded by the voters of Dublin South as their MP, nor that the MP for Dublin South does not regard himself as the MP for Dublin South because there are two other Members. That is absurd.
The idea that this ossified system of ours - of "one Member, one constituency" of a given size - is a better system is foolish in the extreme.
If we moved to the system in the Republic of Ireland, as we can do if we support amendment (b) this evening, things would change. But then, if things do not change, there is no hope for politics in this country.
Roy Jenkins suggested to this Government more than 10 years ago that they could have grasped this nettle, yet they refused to do so for the same cynical reason that they are now grasping for it. If they had listened to Roy Jenkins and implemented the Jenkins Commission report, the centre-left majority that exists in this country would be entrenched in power and the right-wing rump represented by these people here, who opposed votes for women, who opposed votes for working men-[Interruption.]
They can laugh, but people know that the words democracy and the Conservative party do not easily fit together.
This right-wing rump-for a variety of reasons that I have no time to develop-now stands on the brink of power, but they would never have been in power again if Jenkins had been listened to and electoral reform had been implemented.
Do the maths; look at any opinion poll; add up the Labour and the Liberal and the Scottish and Welsh nationalists and Respect and other parties, and it is easy to see that there is a very clear centre-left majority in this country.
What would be wrong with an electoral system that gave the House of Commons the actual levels of representation that the people had voted for?
My last words are that proportional representation is about giving people what they vote for. Proportional representation is about giving people a House of Commons that reflects how they voted.
What is wrong with a system that provides 10 per cent or 30 per cent or 50 per cent of the seats in a Parliament if the party received 10 per cent or 30 per cent or 50 per cent of the votes? What is wrong with that?
I will tell you what is wrong with it. It would put the iron-clad consensus that normally exists across this Chamber out of business-and that would be a good thing, too.
Homes, Jobs and Peace - Manifesto for a Hung Parliament
Homes, Jobs and Peace - Manifesto for a Hung Parliament
Monday 26th April 2010"It now looks inevitable that there will be a hung parliament after the general election. Respect will never support a Tory government whose policy of immediate and massive cuts combined with tax breaks for big business and the very wealthy would be a disaster for the economy and most peoples' lives.
"With a real chance of winning three MPs; George Galloway, Poplar and Limehouse, Abjol Miah, Bethnal Green and Bow, and myself in Birmingham Hall Green; Respect will have three minimum conditions on which we would consider supporting a government:
- A massive council house building programme to address the housing scandal across the country
- The rapid withdrawal of British troops from all illegal and pointless wars
- The radical democratisation of our constitution with a fair proportional voting system, abolition of the appointed House of Lords and cleaning up parliament - no more second homes fiddles.
This manifesto outlines some of the other policies we will fight for in any negotiations."
Salma Yaqoob, Leader, Respect Party
Download the Manifesto
HRW reveals horrific Iraq prison abuse
By AGENCIES
BAGHDAD: Iraqi men held for months at a secret prison outside Baghdad were systematically raped, electrocuted, beaten up and forced to sign confession statements that they were forbidden to read, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said on Wednesday in a harrowing report reminiscent of the abuses that took place at Abu Ghraib.
Some of the detainees, mostly Sunnis from the northern city of Mosul, were beaten by Iraqi guards so badly they lost teeth and urinated blood for days afterward, said the report by New York-based HRW.
The watchdog interviewed 42 men who were recently transferred to another detention facility in Baghdad, after details of misconduct were passed to the government.
HRW described the prisoners' accounts of abuse as "credible and consistent," said there must be an independent and impartial investigation, and called for prosecutions at the highest level.
"The horror we found suggests torture was the norm in Muthanna," the watchdog's deputy Middle East director Joe Stork said, referring to the west Baghdad prison where the men were held until recently. "The government needs to prosecute all those responsible for this systematic brutality."
The men held at the prison were suspected Sunni Arab insurgents from the northern province of Nineveh, who had been arrested between September and December last year, according to the HRW report.
The existence of the jail has caused alarm for Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri Al-Maliki, whose officials said it was shut two weeks ago after the abuse allegations were first published in the Los Angeles Times.
According to HRW, prison guards hung blindfolded detainees upside down during interrogations, then kicked, whipped and beat them before placing a dirty plastic bag over suspects' heads to cut off their air supply. When prisoners passed out, they were awoken by electric shocks to their genitals or other parts of the body, the report said.
The detainees, who were interviewed at the Al-Rusafa detention facility in Baghdad on April 26, told HRW that interrogators and security officials sodomized some detainees with broomsticks and pistol barrels.
Some young men said they were whipped with heavy cables, burned with acid and cigarettes, and had their teeth smashed.
Another detainee, who was 21, said interrogators threatened to rape his mother and sisters if he did not confess. During one torture session, guards made another detainee rape him.
"What happened at Muthanna is an example of the horrendous abuse Iraqi leaders say they want to leave behind," Stork said. "Everyone responsible, from the top down, needs to be held accountable."
One of eight detainee accounts published by HRW described how an imprisoned doctor instructed guards that an abused cell mate, who he suspected had internal bleeding, required urgent medical treatment.
"The guards took the tortured man out but returned him an hour later saying that he was fine. He died in the cell an hour later," it said.
The HRW report bore similarities with the abuse that took place at Abu Ghraib prison, west of Baghdad, in 2004, where a US military unit tortured Iraqi prisoners in a scandal, which shocked the world.
Dalshad Zebari, a Kurdish lawmaker from Nineveh province, where most of the detainees were from, said a government investigation was not enough and there should be international involvement. "We will ask the UN and the International Red Cross for an urgent investigation of these human rights violations and to force the Iraqi government to make public the names of those involved in these cruel crimes and ensure they face justice."
The revelation has come at a sensitive time for Al-Maliki as he tries to negotiate alliances with other factions that would allow him to be reappointed as prime minister following an inconclusive election in March.
The Human Rights Ministry says three Iraqi Army officers have been arrested for questioning. The prison was illegal because it was not under the jurisdiction of the Justice Ministry and the Human Rights Ministry was not informed of it.
Conditions in legal Iraqi prisons are often not much better. The justice system relies on confessions for prosecutions, not evidence. That makes torture common though perhaps not as routine as under ousted dictator Saddam Hussein. The report has angered the Sunni population who sees it as another example of persecution at the hands of Shiite-led government.
DALJIRE: Xeerka Anshaxa Mafrishka
DALJIRE: Xeerka Anshaxa Mafrishka
Dubbe: Faataxa. Waar bal u faatheeya macallinkeenii weynaa ee geeriyooday marxuum Maxamed Gaaxnuug (xaji Kidifaaar)Ilaahay naxariistii janno ha ka waraabiyo. Faataxa Mujaahid Xasan Ciise Hooyadii. Faataxa gabadhii Ina Sheekh timoweyne dhalay ee daadku ku qaaday Uubaale, faataxa saddexdii nine e Dooxa Caloola ee Dacarbudhuq daadku ku qaaday.Faataxa dadkeenii ku geeriyooday maqaadiirtii Ilaahay roobka u soo raaciyay. Kuwa dhaawacmay iyo kuwa ku guryo beelayba ilaahay caafimaad iyo cawilnaq aynu uga barino. Ilaahay Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka caafimaadka haw siyaadiyo isaga wixii muslimiin ah ee cillad cudur haysaba. Aaaaamiin.
Doolaal: Waaryee waa maalintuu is wanaajin jiraye. Aaamiiin.
Dubbe: Waar illayn waa dadkaygii oo dhiig iyo dheecaan baanu wadaagnaa oo waan ka naxayaa reer Somaliland oo dhane ma maqashay wuxuu Ina Rayaale yidhi markii loo sheegay guryaha dabayshu dumisay?
Doolaal: Mabuu joogine muxuu yidhi ee aad sheegaysaa.
Dubbe:nin la socday oo in la magacdhebo diiday waxoogaa dano ah oo kaga xidhan dartood ayaa iiga warramay. Wuxuu yidhi."markii naloo sheegay aqalada dabayshu dumisay anagoo meel hudheelka ka mid ah fadhina,halkaanu wax kale iyo inuu naxo ka eegaynay ama uu yidhaahdo inna celiya masiibaa dhacday eh; ayuumbuu intuu xaaskiisii ku jeestey yidhi. "guryahan dumay baan ku xasuustaye, gurigeenna France ku yaalay iyo Qaahira keebaa maqsino badan bay ahayd? Teeda kale beerta ubaxa ma xagani hore ayuumbuu ku lahaa mise way ku wala wareegsanayd bay ahayd?Weli nin Madaxweyne ah oo masiibada dadkiisii ku habsatay ku xusuusta beerta ubaxa ah ee gurigiisa ku taal iyo inta maqsin uu yahay ma la arkay? Ku darso oo lacagta guriga laga dhisay ee ubaxa laga beerayna dadkan saboolka ah ee masiibadu ku dhacday ayaa laga dhacay. EEEEEEEbow. Adigaa weyn. Waar miyaan lays xisabi doonin.
Doolaal: Waar Ilaahay ka yaab malaa waxaa muu odhane.
Dubbe:Waar ninkan malaa weli war baa kugu dhiman nin yahaw. Ma ninkan u haysta inuu ina leeyahay oo aynu u wada shaqayno ee illaabay amase allaaway, waa halkii reer bariga eh,inuu inaka inoo shaqeeyo oo lacagteenii daldasho. Ma maqlaysay wuxuu yidhi markuu dhoofayay?
Doolaal: Muxuu yidhi?
Dubbe: Waa ninka ku leh. "waan dhoofayaa markaan soo noqdo ayaan idiin sheege waxaan doonay." Waar lacagtayadii aanu ka bakhtiyaynay baad kolba meel ugu dhoofaysaa adigoon waxba noo soo qabanayn oo markaasaad leedahay weliba idiin sheegi maayo halkaan ku so socdo. Qoodhiin iyo dhedigiin Soomaalilaandeey ma ninkaasaa haddana cod idin weydiisan doona bishan soo socota ee dhow oo qaar intay laba addin is daba dhigaan u soo codayn doonaan? Mise waa "Garbo-diiri nin daguugan ma weydo." Ayaan daranaa dadkaygu.
Doolaal: Madaxweynuhu saw inuu hawsha qaranka sir ka dhigo maaha. Cadaw badan baynu leenahay. Nacab baa meel walba jooga…
Dubbe: waaryaa waaryaa. Waar salla calee. Waar hayla soo gelin nacnacda. Keebaa sir qaran qarinaya? Muu iska badheedho oo yidhaahdo waxoogaa aan Djibouti ku qarsanayay ayaa laygaga fadhiistay oo aan ka daba tegeyaa dabadeed shirkaddii faransiiska ahayd bal waxii Alla naga siiyo ayaanu ka soo qaadan doonaa. Hadduu sidaa u hadlo waa xaal rag baanu odhan lahayne.
Doolaal: Ninkaad leedahay hawl qaran kuma jiro sida loo soo dhoweeyay ma arkaysay?
Dubbe: Soo dhoweynna ma arkayne inuu salaam miskiin dadka isku duubayay ayuumbaan arkayay. Maxaa u diiday inuu sidii Madaxweyne wax u salaamo isagoo qotoma. Ma subxaanyo geed kortaybaa? Dadkuunbuu isku marayaa. Waar naga daayo ma haddaa tidhaahdeen qashinkana iskama qaadi kartaan?
Doolaal: Booto weynidaa maxaa min Madaxweyne illaa qashin gur isga kaa tallaabiyay? Waa maxay qashinka aad sheegaysaa?
Dubbe: Horta Wasiirrada maalinba mid baan is idhaahdaa kanaa ugu liitaa laakiin weli Cabdillahi Cirro mid ka liita ma arag. Waa ninkii yidhi. "dad baa halgankii SNM ku faana. Anaga waxa naga soo maray iyo qaybtaanu ka qaadanay miyay ogyihiin." Mayee noo sheeg baa la yidhi. Wuxuu yidhi. "berigii taliyihii NSSta ee Hargeysa Axmed Sh. Aadan SNM dishay ayaa aniga iyo gabadh aanu Xamar wada joognay naloo hanjabay oo la yidhi waad ku jirteen shirqoolka. Niman Marreexaan ah ayaa nalooga taag waayay. Waa nala xidhi gaadhay" "Hayeeeeee. Oo dabadeedna maxaa dhacay?" Baa la yidhi. "Dee niman kaloo Mareexaan ah baa ku yidhi "waar ninkani waxba kuma jiro shirqoolna, SNMna shaqo kuma laha ee waa inaka ee iska daaya."
kkkkkkk. waaar qosol dee. Waa maxay qofku.
Doolaal: Maxaan ku qoslaa dee. Sheekada dhamee horta. Siduu markaa halgankii uga qayb qaatay? Wuxuu lahaa na weydiiya waxa naga gaadhay halgankii meeye dee?
Dubbe: Bal adba! Weliba buug baan ka qorayaa buu yidhi.
Doolaal: Muxuu sameeyay iminka ee aad ku keentay?
Dubbe: dorraad buu dad iskood isu abaabulay oo qashin xaafadoodii ka quraya soo xidhxidhay gawaadhidii ay qashinka iskaga gurayeen. Weligaa waxaasoo kale miyaad aragtay. Maalin dhoweyd arrintu waxay taagnayd waan ciyaari iyo ciyaari maysid. Hadda waxay maraysaa qashinka waan iska qaadi iyo iska qaadi maysid. Bal Somalilanday arrintaa ka taliya.
Doolaal: Waxaasi wax jira maaha malaha.
Dubbe: Wallaahi way jirtaa. Markaasuu weliba intuu tegey kulan cilmiyeed Booliska lagu taba barayo khudbad ka jeediyay oo yidhi. "Booliska waxaan leeyahay xuquuda muwaadinka ilaaliya." Siduu askarigu u ilaalinayaa marna waxaad faraysaa kii qashinka iska qaadaya soo xidh marna xuquuda muwaadinka ilaali. Iyamaad waalan tahay? Bal Soomalinadeey caqligaa eega.
Doolaal: Waar naga tag anagaaba ku rumaysan gaadhnaye.
Dubbe: Iska daa waxaasoo halkan saxeex.
Doolaal: Maxaad leedahay saxeex?
Dubbe: Waa xeerka Anshaxa doorashada ee Mafriska.
Dubbe: Waar waxba garan mayside meesha saxaafaddu marto lagama hadho. Caqligii oo dhan baa maray meeshay maraan. Eeg sideedaba suxufigu nacas ma noqdo. Suxufi aydin is diidaan waad arki laakii suxufi nacas ah arki maysid. Saxeex. Haynga saxaafadda. Maalinta lagu dhawaaqo doorashada arrimaheenu siyaasadda iyo barnaamijyada ayuumbay ku koobnaanayaan illaa inta ay dhacayso. Danqaabooyinka kale waynu iska deynaynaa. Weliba inagu sida Ina Xaaji Daahir waxaynaan fulin karayn iska saxeexi mayno. Wasiiradii Madaxweynuhu xukumayay baanu aragnay farsamao xumaantoodii mise waa mid meel kale laga xukumo.
Doolaal: Sawdigii lahaa saxaafadda haynaga reebin. Isaga iyo saxaafaddii way heshiiyeen.
Dubbe: Waa rune inaga xeerkeenu wuxuu dhaqan gelayaa maalinta doorasho lagu dhawaaqo. Ta kale waxaan anigu idhi ma saxaafaddaa tidhi maxaa loogu qabsanayaa?
Waa inoo qoraalka xiga. Haddii Eebbe idmo.
A. Geeljire
28 April, 2010
SOMALIA: From refugee camp to university campus
NAIROBI, 28 April 2010 (IRIN) - They spent most of their lives in crowded
refugee camps after their families fled violence in Somalia but now 22 men
and six women have won scholarships to study in Canada.
"I have waited for this day since 2006 [when he graduated from high school
in the Dadaab refugee camp, northern Kenya] and it is finally here. My
prayers have been answered," said Ahmed Farah Nageye.
Nageye, now 21, spent most of his life in Dadaab. "My family came here when
I was two years old. I have never known another life," he told IRIN.
His family fled the civil war in Somalia in 1992, when his father was
killed in the southern port city of Kismayo.
Nageye said he had to struggle to finish high school in Dadaab. "There were
days when I would go to school hungry."
He thought of quitting to help his mother take care of the four children.
"I wanted to get a job when I was 15 but my mother wouldn't hear of it. She
wouldn't let me quit school."
The scholarships are being given by the World University Services of Canada
working with Windle Trust Kenya, an NGO that helps refugees from East and
Horn of Africa access education and training.
Fifty candidates had to take a written and oral English exam. "Twenty-eight
of us [and one Sudanese student] passed and were given the scholarships."
Nageye wants to study medicine and go back to Somalia. "I know how doctors
are needed in my country. I want to be able to help not only my mother and
family but the Somali people."
Hassan Daud, 28, finished high school in 2008 but could not secure a
university place.
He had to find some work after finishing high school. "I had to do
something so I started helping teach in a school in the camp."
He said it was hard enough for a Somali to get into university but "it is
even harder for a refugee. I am so glad and grateful we got this opportunity
and I am sure we will take full advantage."
Daud said he wanted to study political science and return to Somalia. "I
want to replace these so-called politicians who destroyed our country."
Daud's mother, Barwaaqo Mohamud, told IRIN the family struggled to make
sure he stayed in school "and our perseverance paid off. I am so proud of
him."
Ali Abdi, another student, said that despite having to wait for two years
for a place, he never gave up. "My brother went to university and I wanted
to follow in his footsteps."
Abdi wants to study medicine. He spent 18 of his 20 years in the refugee
camp and experienced the desperate need for doctors.
The group expects to find out which universities they will be attending in
Canada in June and will begin in the autumn term, said Nageye.