SOMALILAND: High-risk sex workers fly under the HIV radar

High-risk sex workers fly under the HIV radar
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HARGEISA , 31 March 2009 (PLUSNEWS) - Hodan* spends most of her afternoons sitting outside her tiny house in Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, blowing fruity smoke from a hookah pipe, her face covered in a green paste to help her skin look its best.

 She does not trawl the streets looking for customers; most of her clients make appointments to visit her at home. In this conservative Muslim country, commercial sex work is practised out of sight. Hodan says not even her neighbours know how she makes a living and if they ever found out, she is sure they would evict her immediately.

 "I sleep with between one and three men every day; they usually pay me with khat [a mild stimulant widely chewed in the Horn of Africa] and money, maybe about US$3.50 for every man," she told IRIN/PlusNews.

 The money she earns is enough to pay rent and feed and clothe her 10-year-old daughter, but what Hodan wants more than anything is to be able to make enough to learn new skills that would enable her to stop selling sex.

 A shameful profession

 "I would do anything, anything else," she said. "When I was younger I looked after my aunt's household, but when a man in the family made me pregnant, I was sent away, so I have no family to look after me."

 Hodan has never been to school and can neither read nor write. Although she still hopes she can switch occupations, she knows it is highly unlikely that it will happen without a helping hand.

 Somaliland has several NGOs that assist the disadvantaged members of society, but so far no organisation has tackled the issue of sex workers, largely because of fear of repercussions from the wider community.

 "It [sex work] is very shameful in our culture so no one is prepared to work with them," said Yahye Mohamoud Ahmed, chairperson of the Somaliland National Youth Organisation, a local NGO that has several projects benefiting unemployed youth, but none directly targeting sex workers. "It would be good if we could find a way to help them, but it is hard."

 Because they are outside mainstream society, sex workers tend not to visit regular health centres and despite the risk their occupation poses, there are no HIV messages specifically targeting them.

 Research in 2007, by the International Organisation for Migration, to better understand the HIV-risk behaviour in Somalia's most at-risk populations, showed that transactional sex workers were vulnerable to HIV, especially as condom use was very low.

 On the fringe

 "Clients can be violent, and there is no way for the women to report to the police; they have no support networks - not family, friends or the government - to stand up for their rights," said a local NGO worker who preferred anonymity.

 Hodan knows about HIV and has even been tested, but her use of condoms is sporadic, despite being diagnosed with a sexually transmitted infection in the past.

 "I really fear HIV and try to use condoms always, but if the client doesn't want to use a condom I will have sex with him anyway - I need the money," she said, adding that the men usually brought their own condoms.

 Somaliland's HIV prevalence is estimated at 1.4 percent, but experts say the epidemic is likely to be concentrated in high-risk populations such as sex workers, seafarers and truck drivers.

 According to the NGO worker, most sex workers will not risk walking into a pharmacy to buy condoms, or even go to a health centre where they are available free of charge. "They rely on their clients for condoms, or on middlemen who often overcharge them for the condoms. Providing free condoms to sex workers also risks a backlash from the community."

 Reaching sex workers with HIV services would require creative solutions. "They do not have normal access to health services such as VCT [voluntary testing and counselling] and clinics; they fear visiting VCT centres because they may be recognised and talked about, but creating special clinics and centres for them could be even more stigmatising," she said.

 Baby steps towards a plan for sex workers

 Nevertheless, the NGO worker said, "We are making some progress - there was a time when the government rejected the very idea that commercial sex workers existed in Somaliland, but now they accept that they are here."

 Mohamed Hussein Osman, executive secretary of the Somaliland National AIDS Commission, said: "We know that they exist, but it is hard to reach them because culturally and religiously it is a very sensitive issue. They are at risk, and are also spreading HIV, so we need to come up with a plan to reach them."

 It was also difficult to gain the trust of sex workers, but not impossible. "They want to be found, they want to be heard, and they want to be helped. Most of these girls and women do it because there is nothing else for them to do - they would quit instantly if they had any other alternative," the NGO worker said.

 "There will always be consequences, there will always be risks and challenges, but we have to be ready for that," she added. "We have to start somewhere."

 * Not her real name

 maj/kr/oa/he

 Read more

 SOMALIA: It's not impossible to talk about sex
 http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=76936

 PAKISTAN: Sex work a dangerous game
 http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=82224

 KENYA: Desperate times: women sell sex to buy food
 http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=83273[END]

Kenya police abuse Somali refugees-rights group

Kenya police abuse Somali refugees-rights group

* Kenya police accused of abuse and extortion * Government said to have snet hundreds back to war zone NAIROBI  (Reuters) - Corrupt and violent Kenyan police abuse and extort money from hundreds of thousands of refugees who have fled volatile Somalia, a human rights watchdog said on Monday. Kenyan officials did not immediately comment on the report by Human Rights Watch (HRW), which also accused the authorities of forcibly deporting hundreds of asylum seekers desperate to reach the world's largest refugee settlement. More than 250,000 people eke out a living in Dadaab's three overcrowded camps near the Somali border in the arid and impoverished northeast of Kenya, the region's biggest economy. Aid agencies expect to see 100,000 new arrivals there this year as a tide of Somalis flee the conflict between an Islamist-led insurgency and the new government in the capital Mogadishu. "People escaping the violence in Somalia need protection and help, but instead face more danger, abuse and deprivation," said the report, "From Horror to Hopelessness: Kenya's forgotten Somali Refugee Crisis". More than 17,000 civilians have been killed in two years of fighting in the failed Horn of Africa state. More than a million people have fled their homes and a third of the population -- more than three million people -- depend on emergency food aid. The pro-al Qaeda militant group al Shabaab, which controls large swathes of southern and central Somalia, is the main obstacle for Somalia's new president, Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, who is trying to restore peace after 18 years of violence. The author of the report, Gerry Simpson, said the Dadaab camps were likely to become fertile recruiting grounds for al Shabaab if living conditions there do not improve. "When refugees find themselves in dire humanitarian circumstances, frustration and the will to do anything to get out of that situation is likely to grow," Simpson told a news conference in Nairobi in neighbouring Kenya. "In our view, the humanitarian crisis in Dadaab is likely to increase recruitment of al Shabaab."  BRIBES AND THREATS HRW spoke to dozens of refugees and documented cases of corrupt police officials routinely demanding cash from Somalis as they arrived or left the camps for other parts of Kenya. The Kenyan government closed its porous desert frontier with Somalia in January 2007 after the United States helped push the Islamic Courts group out of power. The United Nations and aid agencies denounced the move at the time as a violation of human rights. HRW said in its report that it recognised Kenya's legitimate security concerns. But it said the closure had failed to stem the influx of tens of thousands of refugees and instead had given rise to the proliferation of people-smuggling groups. Although asylum seekers are paying smugglers up to $500 to ensure they reached Dadaab safely, police corruption was so endemic that the fee did not guarantee safe passage, it added. "Emboldened by the power over refugees that the border closure has given them, Kenyan police detain the new arrivals, seek bribes -- sometimes using threats and violence including sexual violence -- and deport back to Somalia those unable to pay," the report said. HRW accused the Kenyan authorities of forcibly returning hundreds, perhaps thousands, of asylum seekers and refugees across the border in a direct breach of international law. Kenyan government spokesman Alfred Mutua said he had not read the report yet and so could not comment. Simpson said Kenyan police officials told him they would consider holding internal investigations, after they had read his report. (Additional reporting by Wangui Kanina; Editing by Daniel Wallis)

 

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Somaliland:Crisis of governance and the challenges ahead

By Ibrahim Adam Ghalib - Borama Awdal region.

Somaliland is facing the worst crisis today. The present in efficient administration is the cause of this crisis. One constant feature that you will notice immediately in this adminstration is the lack of political will and guts to move things forward. Effective leadership is vital ingredient in solving problems that arise. An administration cannot properly represent people unless they have confidence in it and have access to its decision structures. The policy of wait and see cannot take the country of this serious political turmoil.
 
Tle present leadership failed to win the confidence of the political stake holders-the political parties, the bicameral parliament and the people represented by the civic societies. These institutions have been treated as enemies rather than partners to be trusted and the people that have the strongest stake do not understand their role that they retain the ultimate decision making power since periodic elections allow them to reject representatives that do not carry out their wishes.The present administration uses the house of elders that do not represent the people because they didnot come on a popular vote.
 
The meagre resources of the country is being used as kick backs to win their votes. These people are voting for the adminstration when they receive money only but they themselves do not trust the administration. The best way to cut this chain is to make the voting a secret ballot. In here it will be difficult to know who voted for who and the corruption can be minimized. The people are watching the guurti that is not seeing the poor people's wishes and satisfying only their needs by allowing the present administration that is representing the people today to rule the country on an iron fist.
 
Establishing public institutions and the rule of law can only help restore ethnic conflict that is reigning. A consenual approach is the best way to address the political and socio-economic issues necessary for peace. Frustration is building up and chaos is only a heart beat away now and can explode at any time. Politicisation of the public service caused by organized clan pressures by the administration created disorder thus permitting those in control to capture the resources for their ouwn ends and build their power at the expense of the poor people. This chain cannot continue for ever and there will be one day that they will leave office. They will be asked from where they have brought the wealth in which they have build the palaces that is apprent in all the big cities of somaliland.
 
The country have been divided into cantones by giving districts and regions to every tribe without assessing if these districts and regions can fulfill the criteria that a region or district is formulated. Governors and district commissioners have been appointed and have been give luxurious cars without the approval of the parliament. These offices are only for Udub the ruling party to campaign for this administration.The administration do not care any body but are interested to continue to rule the country.
 
Corruption reached a point of no return. This is widely excercised by low level of government. How can junior personnel take bribes at the presence of their seniors if not being encouraged by the people at the helm. I am putting this forward without reservation and any body that says this is not true is welcomed to prove otherwise. I am in side the country and am writing the reality on the ground. The people that write democracy in somaliland is advancing is not telling the truth but mere slogans.
 
Now the voter registration have been derailled. This is the only viable program that ever been presented in this country to get free and fair elections. The way the program is handled felt short of the criteria of one man one vote. The government acted alone in choosing the commission that mishandled the voter registration.
 
The government failed to bring all stake holders at the round table to select together the commission that will lead the electoral process. The president nominated 3 members on tribal bases and played a role in nominating the other two that the house of elders selected. An equal employment opportunity have not been observed and the members were selected on random without judging whether they can fill this risky job.
 
Any way they have not been given a support to fill their space but the government dispatched all the officious ministers and the governors of the regions have been instructed to defy the rules of the registration and instruct the people in the registrations polls to register any body. The governors were masterminding this irregularties. The commission have been pressured and not given time to breath and this caused the blunder that have been excercised that cannot be solved.
 
Now we are in a political crisis. The president and the vice president have been given another term of six months. This does not represent the opinion poll of the country. The administration have used everything to stop the people that would have made their word peacefully and they are happy to sit on the chair without the mandate of the people.
This I am sure will give popularity to the opposition parties and they will get a time to unseat them on a popular vote.
 
The media that would have played an important rule is not there. There is no investigative journalism in this country. The daily news papers, the television and the radio is only in Hargeisa.This media is divided on tribal bases and cannot comment on the iregularities of the voter registration. They suffer capacity weaknesses and lack of financial resources. Can you believe they cannot comment on those people that speak slogans on televisions in Hargeisa. They only comment on Awdal region.

What happened in the other regions in the voter registaration have not been reported.I am not biased but this is the reality. we have asked them to write an article that was correcting a popular man that spoke on a television badly but all the news papers refused to write this article.
 
Finallly I want to  ask my fellow citizens to be patient and to say their word in the ballot box.It is not possible to derail the fragile peace that we have restored and sustained.

We must keep our calm and a day will come that we will unseat the present administration. I would like to advise the present administration to change attitude and safe the country from disaster and try to lead the people at least in the coming six months to a livelihood recovery and hold the elections on time.
 
 Ibrahim Adam Ghalib
 Kaalib33@hotmail.com

org:Hiildan.com

Even Saudi Police Can Be Sued

Al-Hakami decries police pressure to drop charges Samir Al-Saadi I Arab News

JEDDAH: Police in Jazan have been pressuring the father of a 16-year-old who was found guilty and executed for the rape and murder of a toddler in 2007 to drop charges against them. Hussein Al-Hakami's son, Mueed, was executed in 2007 for a crime that he allegedly committed when he was 13. Al-Hakami claims police have been pressuring him for the past three days to sign a document canceling charges against Jazan police. "They want me to drop the charges. Police have been meeting me for three consecutive days for that sole purpose," he said. "The king's orders are very clear. They need to show me where Mueed is buried and ask for a DNA test to prove the body is that of my son ... they have done none of this," he said. "They have sat down with me every day for the past few days and given me different excuses and incentives to sign a paper to cancel the charges. I don't care. The police took my son from my home and they are the ones responsible," he said. "I am not going to drop the charges. That should be clear to them by now," he added. Al-Hakami's ordeal began on Monday, July 12, 2004, five days after the discovery of the body of a three-year-old toddler, Nabeel. Police arrived at the Al-Hakami family home in Zihra, a village about 40 km outside Jazan city, looking for Mueed in connection with the death. Al-Hakami alleges that his son was interrogated, convicted and beheaded, without the presence of an attorney or guardian. The father also claims his son's body was never handed to him for a proper family burial nor has he been told where his son was buried. Under Saudi law a minor cannot be held accountable for a crime. The execution of a minor also violates a UN charter on the protection of children that Saudi Arabia has been a signatory of for 12 years. Since Mueed's execution on July 10, 2007, Al-Hakami has not rested in seeking justice for his son's execution. He has frequently visited Riyadh, sent letters to the country's highest authorities, approached the media and visited a number of top officials. With the help of Turki Al-Sudairi, former head of the Human Rights Commission, Al-Hakami appointed lawyer Abdullah Al-Zmami of Al-Zmami Law Firm to fight his case. Al-Zmami has filed a lawsuit against Jazan police demanding SR10 million in compensation and calling for the prosecution of those directly responsible for Mueed's execution. The Court of Grievances' final verdict on the case has not been officially issued to date, said Al-Zmami. Sources, however, say a verbal verdict was read out three months ago.

EGYPTIAN TROOPS ARRIVE IN DARFUR TO BOOST AFRICAN UNION-UN FORCE

The hybrid United Nations-African Union (AU) peacekeeping force in Darfur, known as <"http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/missions/unamid/">UNAMID, received a boost today from the arrival of 100 personnel from the second Egyptian Infantry Battalion.

Another 100 troops from the battalion are slated to arrive tomorrow in the strife-torn western flank of Sudan as a meeting of the Tripartite Committee – comprising the Government of Sudan, the AU and the UN – is scheduled to take place for the first time in Darfur.

Under-Secretary-General for Field Support Susana Malcorra is expected to attend the meeting in El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, which will examine ways to facilitate and expedite deployment of the AU-UN peacekeeping operation in the region.

The hybrid force was set up by the Security Council to protect civilians in Darfur, where an estimated 300,000 people have been killed and another 2.7 million have been forced from their homes since fighting erupted in 2003, pitting rebels against Government forces and allied Janjaweed militiamen.

More than one year on from transferring the task of suppressing the violence to UNAMID from the AU Mission in Sudan (AMIS), well over 12,000 of the 19,555 military personnel authorized by the Security Council are now in place across Darfur.

In related news, UNAMID reported that an investigation team was dispatched to a fire that broke out last night at the Al Riyad camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs), near El Geneina in West Darfur. As well as leaving a large number of people homeless, the blaze caused heavy damage to about 35 shelters and the loss of many animals.

This follows last week's arson attack in the West Darfur Abu Zar camp for IDPs in which two people were killed and three were rushed to hospital in El Geneina with serious injuries.

Meanwhile, the hybrid peacekeeping force characterized the security situation in Darfur for the past 72 hours as relatively calm apart from a few incidents of banditry and carjacking in both North and West Darfur. In the past few weeks, UNAMID has reported a rise in attacks on peacekeeping staff and harassment of civilians in the region.

There has also been concern recently over the safety of humanitarian workers, many of whom have been ordered to leave the region following the indictment earlier this month of Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Darfur.
Mar 30 2009  7:10PM

XOGHAYA UDUB OO QIRAY INAY AHAYD EED CULUS HADALO UU DHAWAAN U JEEDIYEY KULMIY

Xoghayaha guud ee xisbiga talada haya ee UDUB Jaamac Yaasiin Faarax ayaa qiray hadalo uu dhawaan u jeediyey xisbiga KULMIYE inay ahayd eed culus balse taasi ay timid ka dib markii xisbiga KULMIYE waxkasta oo la isugu yimaado uu miiska wada hadalka ka kaco ama uu diido inuu yimaado.

Xoghayaha UDUB waxa uu sidaa ka sheegay mar uu xalay waraysi siiyey qaar ka mid ah warbaahinta, waxanu yidhi 'horta xisbiyadu inay dhib iyo shucuur colaadeed haba yaraatee abuuraan maaha, haday dhacday inaanu xisbi ahaan UCID iyo udub ahaan aanu midkaa isla ogolaanay in wixii hore-ba loo samayn waayay imikaba la sameeyo waxbana kama qabno in la sameeyo komishan saddexda xisbi ah oo ilaaliya waxa ay ka cabanayaan dee nasiib darro waxa ah in marwalba xisbiga saddexaad uu ka kacayo fadhiga ama uu diidayo inuu yimaado.

S. hore-ba go'aamadii bay ugu jirtay in la sameeyo masalan guddi hoosaadkaasi ilaaliya hantidii ummada booliiskii, warbaahintii oo la idinku eedaynayo TV-ga iyo idaacada dawlada wixii UDUB uun ah inaad ka sii daysaan ee aan laga sii dayn xisbiyada mucaaridka ah, oo hore-ba ay taa idiinku eedeeyeen inkasta oo la qoray oo aydaan fulin, maxaad ka leedahay?

J. walaahi anagu sidaanu qabno waxa weeye in markay noqoto muuqaal iyo qoraalba wixii Media-ha ku saabsan in ay xisbiga ugu cabashada badan lihi uu yahay ka ugu fadalada dhaadheer ugu muuqaalka badan laakiin haddii imikaba la yidhaahdo guddidaa hala sameeyo oo si isku miisaaman media-ha isticmaalkiisa ha loogu sinaado udub ahaan wax aanu ka qabnaa ma jirto.

S. xogahayaha guud baad tahay xisbiga kulmiye oo kale waxay dhawr jeer oo aad warsaxaafadeed aad soo saartay ay cabashooyin ka soo jeediyeen ay warsaxaafadeedyadaasi yihiin kuwo dagaalo hurinaya oo aan loo baahnayan adigoo ku tilmaamay KULMIYE ay dagaal oogayaal yihiin, taasi ka waran eedaasi miyaanay mid culus ahayn?

J. eed culus weeyaan waxana waxaa keenaya marku wax walba maya yidhaahdo aan miiska isugu nimaaadno oo wada hadalo oo wixii dhibaato ah ee jira aan xalilo la yidhahdo ee uu maya yidhaahdo, marka uu mar walba masabidaad uu sameeyo ee wax Legal Reference ah u samaynaynin.

S. laakiin gudoomiyaha KULMIYE oo aanu waraysanay idinka ayuu ku eedaynayaa masabidaad iyo hafar in aad samaysaan, mida kale haddii ay masalan ka kacaan waxay leeyihiin in la nagu yidhaahdo maaha waa dagaal oogayaal taa maxaad ka leedahay?

J. horta rag badani oo SNM- ah way ku jiraan xisbigaa kamana dhigno in aanay labada xisbi ee kale ku jirin laakiin waxa weeyey marka aad doonto wax ka baxsan sharciga mar walba oo maya uun aad la soo taagnaato oo noocas oo kale facaa'ilkaagu ku sifoobaan dee wax sharcigii iyo kala dambayntii waxyeelaya marka aad la timaado waa markaa marka jawi iyo colaadu abuurmaysaa ta aanu ku tilmaamaynaa waa taa weeye ee laakiin waanu jecelahay sida xaqiiqda ah inay ka waantoobaan waayo waa xisbi qaran sida axsaabta kale oo aanu jecelahay in uu jiritaankiisu dimoqraadiyada wadanka ay ka mid ahaato.

Xoghayaha guud ee xisbiga UDUB Jaamac yaasiin Faarax ayaa waraysigiisani ujeedada iyo nuxurka uu xambaarsanaa aan ahayn mid cad isla markaana ahaamid aan faahfaahsanayn.
Haatuf

Somaliland: Horyaal Reporter Remains In Custody

Somaliland: Horyaal Reporter Remains In Custody

HARGEISA (Somaliland Globe) — Contrary to earlier reports of the release of all four Horyaal Radio reporters, Ahmed Suleiman Doholl still remains in custody. The other three reporters were released late last night.

Sayid M. Mire, a colleague of Mr Doholl at Horyaal Radio, told reporters that Doholl has endured an unprovoked beating from the police during his arrest and may need treatment for injuries he sustained.

Chairman of the umbrella group for the Independent Media in Somaliland, Abdillahi M Ukuse, condemned detention and the treatment of the reporters. He said the government seems to be abandoning respect for civil rights guaranteed by the constitution.

He appealed to the officials in Riyale's administration who made the order to arrest the reporters to release him immediately. He specifically addressed the governor of Hargeisa region (Maroodi-Jeex) Mr Ali Asad whom Ukuse said may have given the order to arrest the reporters.

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Rayaale oo waqtiga loo kordhiyay

Rayaale oo waqtiga loo kordhiyay

Axmed Saciid Cige BBC Hargeisa     Guddoomiyaha Golaha Guurtida Somaliland Saleebaan Maxamuud Aadan Golaha Guurtida ee Somaliland ayaa waxa ay u codeeyeen in Madaxweyne Daahir Rayaale uu xafiiska sii hayo ilaa gaarayo 29-ka bisha October ee sanadkan 2009. Go'aanka Guurtida Golaha oo ku kala qeybsanaa arinta waqti kordhinta Madaxweynaha iyo ku xigeenkiisa, ayaa dood dheer kadib waxay u codeeyeen, sida uu ku dhawaaqay guddoomiyaha guddiga Saleebaan Maxamuud Aadan, in muddo lix bilood ah loo kordhiyo xilka Madaxweynaha Somaliland. Golaha ayaa sidoo kale dib u dhigay xilliga doorashada madaxtinimada Somaliland oo iyana lagu wado inay dhacdo bisha September ee isla sanadkan. Xisbiyada mucaaradka ee Somaliland ayaa cambaareeyay go'aanka Golaha Guurtida oo ay ku tilmaameen inuu yaha nasiib darro. Axmed Siilaanyo Guddoomiyaha xisbiga Kulmiye Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo) ayaa ku tilmaamay go'aanka guurtida inuu yahay mid gabal dhac u ah geeddi-socodkii dimuqraadiyadda Somaliland, isla markaana bilaabaya kaligii-talisnimo. Faysal Cali Waraabe Guddoomiyaha Xisbiga Ucid Faysal Cali Waraabe ayaa isna waxa uu sheegay in go'aanka Guurtida aanu ahayn mid dan u ah Somaliland, isagoo intaa sii raaciyay in Guurtidu aanay awood u lahayn inay wax ka beddelaan xilliga doorashada.

Guurtiyeey Danta Beeshu Waxay Ku Jirtaa Danta Qaranka.

Waxa la yaab ah in Guurtidu u foodo waxaan meesha oolin, oo weliba ka dheer isu-soo-dhoweyn iyo soo uruurin, bal se ah kala eri, oo kala didi iyo burburin rajadii dhismaha dawlad dimuquraadi ah oo sharcigu hoggaamiyo. Waxa loo-qaadan-waa ah habka Shirguddoonku u maareeyey mooshinkan lagu aasay dimuquraadiyadii dalka. Ahmiyadda mashruucani dalka ku leeyahay, shirguddoonku wuu gees maray. Waxay ahyd nidaam ahaan in la mariyo dhabbada sulux-doonka iyo nidaamka Golaha oo ay ahayd:

1- In la magacaabo Guddi labada Garab ee Guurtida ah iyo xubno dhexdhexaad ah loona dhiibo inay mashruuca soo darsaan, talana Golaha oo dhan kula soo noqdaan.

2- In Guddigaasi la soo tashado seddexda xisbi, Komishanka, Interpeace iyo cid kasta ooy dan moodaan.

3- In hadafku noqdo isu-soo dhoweyn, iyo Go'aan loo dhan yahay.

Waxa Guurtidu gees martay marinkaas, oo weliba waxa ay ka booday mawduucii ahaa... Isa soo waafajiya taariikhda Komishanku doorashada u qabtay oo ah 31 May 2009 iyo dhammaadka xilka madaxtooyada oo ku dhan 6 April 2009.... Taas oo hadday sideeda u raacaan ka dhigaysa in xilka loo kordhiyo ilaa 30 June 2009. Waafijintu waa doorashda oo dhacda kolka bili ka hadhsantay dhammaadka xilka madaxtooyada sida ku cad dastuurka qodabka 83aad, faqradda labaad.

Waxa iyana muuqata hab beeleedku sida aanu u matalayn dimuquraadiyada iyo xisbinimada. Labada nidaam ee is barbar socda midna yahay xisbi oo ah kan lagu soo doortay Wakiilada iyo kan beelaha ah ee ay ku joogaan Guurtidu waa dar aan wada shaqaynayn, danta dalkuna ku jirin. Waxa aan dib u jaleecay maqaal aan kaga waramay Danta Guud iyo tan Gobalku sida ay isku mid u tahay, iyo sida danta guud tahay midda keliya ee beel iyo gobalba ina dhaqaysa.  Waxaad se moodaa in Guurtidu danta beesha meel aan danta qaranku ku jirin ka doonayso, taas oo ka fog runta. Waayo beel walba waxa u dan ah dhismaha dawlad sharcigu xakameeyo, cadaalad iyo sinnaan lagu agaasimo hawlaha qaranka, dhidibadana u adkeysa nabadda iyo wadajirka. Aan idin xusuusiyo maqaalkii hore.

Danta Gobalku Waxay Ku Jirtaa Danta Qaranka.

	Jul 04 2007 - Waxaa hubaal ah inaan qofku laba nafood lahayn ee uu yahay samo fale amba xumo fale.Ninka qoyska u fiican ayaa degmada u fiican, ninka degmada u fiican ayaa gobalka u fiican ninka gobalka u fiican ayaa qaranka u fiican. Ninka wacan ab kasta ha ka soo jeedee, ayaa dan u ah qoys, reer, beel iyo qaranba. Sababta oo ah in danta guud ee gobal kastaa leeyahay tahay isku mid, kana dhigayso danta qaranku mid inta wanaaga jeceli dhammaan ku qancaan gobal kasta oo ay joogaanba. Waxay dhammaan u haraadanyiin cadaalad iyo horumar bulsho iyo dhaqaalaba.
Haddaba waa maxay wanaaga laga doonayaa madaxda ee dhammaan ina anfacdaa. Hawl kastaa waxay leedahay waajibaad laga filaayo cidda loo igmadaa inay fuliso. Ninka amba Haweynada xilka loo dhiibaa, waxa laga filayaa arrimahan soo socda: 1- Waa wax qabasho hagar la,aaneed. Si taas lagu helo waa inuu noqdaa qof aqoonteed iyo kartideed leh. Haddaad qof aan cunta-karis aqoon ka dhigto dabaakh, waxa hubaal ah inaad ku guul daraysan doonto, haddaad ka filaysay cuno dhandhan iyo udug leh. 2- Waa inuu ahaado qof daacad u ah hawsha loo dirtay, oo mas'uuliyad iska saara inuu amaanada uu hayo si hufan u ilaaliyo. 3- Waa inuu ahaadaa qof ku shaqeeya sharciga iyo hab maamulka meesha loo dhiibay looga baahan yahay. 4- Waa inuu noqdaa nin awoodiisa sharcigu siiyey ugu adeega marba inta xilku ka saran yahay, oo uu si cadaalad iyo sinaan ah ugu maamulo. 5- Waa inuu ahaado qof la xisaabtama inta uu madaxa u yahay, ogolna in lala xisaabtamo sida sharciga shaqadiisu qabto. Haddaan ereyo kooban ku soo uruuriyo waxa shaqa kasta tayadeeda u sal ah aqoonta, kartida, iyo khibradda qofku u leeyahay. Waxa soo raaca daacadnimada, akhlaaqda, iyo hufnaanta oo noqonaysa ogaalaanshaha la xisaabtanka cidda uu madaxa u yahay, iyo in isaga lala xisabtamo. Qofka intaas la yimaada gobal kasta ha ka dhashee, waa nin si wacan u gudan kara hawsha loo xilsaaray. Ruuxa aan isagu intaas lahayn, amba wax ka dhiman yihiin, waxaa ka muuqanaysa wax-qabadkiisa goldalool iyo tayo la,aan. Maanta Madaxweyne Riyaale waxuu galay sanadkiisii lixaad inta uu xilka hayey. Waxa lagu xusuustaa Gole Wasiiro oo dhan 55tan maamula miisaaniyad 30 Milyan oo doolar ah, mushaharkiisu ( Waa lacagta uu xisaab la,aan ugu tagri falo, oo sharciyan ah mushaharka) waa $500,000.00. Waana mushar ka badan kan madaxda dunidu qaadato. Afeef, marna Madaxtooyadu mey diidin eedan, oo wey ka gaabsatay inay sheegaan mushaharka Madaxweynah iyo Kuxigeenka u gaarka ah. Madaxweyne xigeenkana waxa lagu sheegaa lacag ku dhow nus inta madaxweynahu qaato. Waxa Madaxweynah lagu qadarin lahaa horumarinta dimuquraadiyada hadduu ku dhaqankeeda fulin lahaa. Waxa muuqata in qabashadii doorashooyinak ay waxtarkoodii muuqan, iyadoo Madaxtooyadu geedkii ay beertay u diidan biyo lagu waraabiyo. Doorashooyin ayna daba socon ilaalinta sharciyada, iyo kala fogaynta nidaamka cadaaladda iyo golaha fulintu, waxay noqonaysa hal bacaad lagu lisay. Waxay noqonaysa doorashooyinka ka dhaca dalalka Afrika iyo Carabta oyna Lebnaan ku jirin. Waxa xaqiiq ah inuu diidmo iyo marin habaabin kaga jawaabo go,aanada Golayaasha Sharci Dejinta. Waxa uu diiday la- xisaabtan. Waxa is barbar socda laba miisaaniyadood, waxa u dhexeeyaana tahay gunno siyaada ah oo Golaha Wakiiladu ku kabay Jaamacadaha iyo Wasaaradaha Wax-soo-saarka ah, oo ay ka qadhoocdeen Madaxtooyada. Qadhiidhka laga jaray jeebka duqa reerka ee lagu naasnuujiyey Jaamacadda Camuud, Jaamacadda Hargeysa, Jaamacdda Burco, miyeyna ina tusayn in aabahu u naxayn kobcinta ubadkiisa ku daadsan Lowyacaddu ilaa Ceelaayo. Tana waa barwaaqo soo korodhay iyo guul Madaxweynahu soo hooyey, waanan ku hanbalyeynayaa haddii su,aalo madaxayga wareeriyey aan jawaab uga helo.Waa kheyr iyo wanaag inoo soo hooday kolka seddex warshadood la dhegax dhigay.Ujeeda kasta ha laga lahaadee hadday is muujiso guul dhe, haddii la waayana waa arrin aynu u baranay. Haddaba aan su'aalo shifo hogaanka sare weydiiyo si aan shakiga inooga saaro, oo aynu dhammaan horumarka Berbera ku soo dhoweyn farxad iyo rajo-wanaag. · Waa maxay cinwaanka shirkadda barakeysan ee mashruuca fulinaysaa. Mee war-saxaafadeedkii shirkaddu. Heshiiska yaa u sexeexay. Jar'aaidka Jarmanka ee Ganacsiga ee qora mashaariicda milyan doolar ka yari, maxay u qori waayeen musharuucan seddexda boqol ee milyan ah. · Waa maxay qiimaha wershad kastaa . Nook ala jar oo seddexda wershadood midba goonidiis intee ku kacayso. · Noo sheeg wax-soo-saarka wershadda kasta ee sanadkiiba. Imisa tan oo sibidh ah ayey sanadkii ay soo saaraysaa. Sida Madaxweynahu ku sheegay wereysigiisa Awdal News kal hore, lahaanshaha wershadaha boqolkiiba 51 waxa leh dawladda 49% tana waxa leh maalqabeynka ajnabiga ah. Taasi waxay ka dhigaysaa 153Milyan USDollar. · Haddaba lacagtaas halkii laga keenayaa. Ma deynbaa? Dulsaaraka deynku waa imisa? Yaa se inaga bixinaaya? Mise Sharkaddan barakaysani iyadaa khrashka wada qabta 51% lahaanshahuna waa deeq kalgacal? · Waa maxay qiimaha loo jaray dhagaxa (Raw material) laga sameynaayo maadooyinka la wershadeenaayo. Yaa dawladda kala teliyey qiimeyntan iyo maal gelintan. Daraasad madax banana ma loo sameyey? Sidee lagu gaadhay 300 ee Milyan? Ma tartan ganacsibaa la mariyey? Sideey sharkaddana inoogu timid? · Maamulka wershadda yaa u xil saran dhinaca dawladda, inayn waa in dawladdu Maamulka sare iyadu yeelatee kol haddaynu leenahay 51% saamiga lahaansha. · Maxaa u diiday in tender lagu faafiyo oo la raadiyo sida tujaarta dalku u maal galiyaan wershadahan iyo shacbi weynahuba, oo hubaal ah in haddii saamiyaal loo abaabulo, si hawl yar ay ku kici lahayd, iyadoon khawaaje qalinka inagu hadin. Anigoo u dhiganaaya faalo kale kolka xogaha qaar aan helo, aan idinla wadaago miisaaniyadda Gobalka Somalida Galbeed ee Itoobiya ee Sanadka soo socda waxa barlamaanka Federalka horyaal miisaaniyad dhan 1,400,000,000 birr ah, una dhiganta lacag dhan 142,131,979 Doolar. Haddba ma kula tahy in dalka Soomaaliland miisaaniyadeedu tahay 32 Milyan kolka Kiliga Shaanaad yahay 142 Milyan oo doolar. Waa arrin wax ku qaadasho leh. Waxa warku intaas ku daray inayna ku jirin miisaaniyadda uu gobalku toos uga helo hay,adaha caalamiga ah iyo World Banka. Gaabiska iyo qaladka maamulka dalka ka muuqda, waxaynu sixi karnaa marka aynu danta qaranka u aragno inay tahay tan gobalka. Marka hantida qaran u aragno mid dhammaan inaga dhexeysa, ninka dhacayaan yahay mid dhammaan ina dhacay, oon loo eegin gobal iyo reer. Ninka qaranka dhacay, gobalkiisuu dhacay, reerkiisuu dhacay, ninka u guntada horumarka qaranka, ilaalinta hantida guud, iyo dhismaha bulshada ayaa reer iyo qaranba u wanaagsan. Ogow waxa isku si u damqada danyarta joogta Awdal, Burco, Hargeysa, Ceerigaabo, Saaxil iyo Sool. Baahida waxbarasho, caafimaad, shaqo, iyo dhaqaale dhammaan gobalada dalku wey ka siman yihiin. Inta talada haysa ee hagratay, iyo inta musuqa ku maamushaana gobal kasta wey ka soo jeedaan. Reer iyo degmo ka maqani ma jirto, mid wax ka faa'idaan ma jirto. Haddaba inta wanaaga wadaa iyana ha ku bahoobaan sidii ay dalka u badbaadin lahaayeen, sidii ay himmilada bulsho weynta kor ugu qaadi lahaayeen. Maxaa inoo diiday inaynu wanaag ku walaalowno. Waxynu ognay in inta xumaha cadaysatay tahay dar beel walba ka soo jeeda, gobal walba jooga, kuna bahoobay inay dantooda gaarka ah ee gaaban wax walba ka horeysiiyaan. Kolka uu reerka la joogo waa qabiili, kolka uu kooxdiisa la joogana waa nin kooxeed dan qabiil iyo mid qaran midina xidhin. Waayo wanaag iyo cadaalad ayuunba qabiil wada gaadha, waana isla iyada tan gunta u ah dhismaha qaranku. NINKA XUN EE XILKA XUMEEYEY QABIIL HOWGU HIILIN. HA NOQON NIN MUSTAQBALKA UBADKIISA CUNA, KA DHEEROW IN HANTIDA QARANKA EEN CIDI KAA XIGIN LAGUGU LAALUUSHO. GUDO WAAJIBAADKA QARANKA XUQUUQDAADANA U DARBANOW. CIDNA HOWGA HABRAN WAXAAD XAQ U LEEDAHAY. Waa inoo qormo dambe iyo baraarujin. Mahad Alle iyo Gobannimo Ahmed Arwo Cardiff, U.K samotalis@gmail.com http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

SOMALIA: Somaliland youth risk death in search of better life

SOMALIA: Somaliland youth risk death in search of better life

HARGEISA, 30 March 2009 (IRIN) - Harir Omar Yusuf, about to finish high school, should be choosing a degree course and deciding on a career direction; instead, he spends most of his time planning a perilous escape from his hometown of Hargeisa, capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland in the northwest of Somalia, to Europe.

 "As soon as I finish high school I will go there, because I have nothing to stay for in Somaliland," he told IRIN, adding that his parents could not afford university fees and he was not assured of a place even if they could.

 Yusuf has many friends who have made the journey - first through Ethiopia, then Sudan and Libya and finally to Italy via the Mediterranean Sea - and are now living as illegal immigrants in Italy and other European nations. He also has many friends languishing in Sudanese or Libyan jails, arrested for entering the country illegally, and knows of many who died making the trip, but he remains determined.

 Tens of thousands of Somalis also try to cross the Gulf of Aden into Yemen every year aboard small vessels run by people-traffickers operating from Somali ports; according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), one out of every 20 people attempting the journey in 2007 died.

 Yusuf says he would rather risk death than live a life of certain poverty in Somaliland.

 Unemployment

 "The issue of young people running away is very problematic in Somaliland," said Omer Ali Abdi, the director of the youth department in the Ministry of Youth and Sports. "Year after year, graduates from secondary schools are increasing and our universities just don't have the capacity to take in all of them - and even when they graduate from university, there is no guarantee they will get a job."

 According to Ahmed Hashi Abdi, vice-minister in the Ministry of Planning and Coordination, only 10-20 percent of people under 35 are employed.

  "Because it is unrecognised internationally, Somaliland has no access to bi-lateral funding, which has caused our economy to suffer, especially after the livestock ban of 1999, which destroyed the main source of income of most of our people," Abdi said. "For the same reason, international scholarships and higher education exchange programmes are not open to our students."

 An outbreak of Rift Valley Fever in Saudi Arabia in 1999 resulted in a regional ban on imported livestock from Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan, Kenya, and Djibouti; the ban on Somalia remains in place and now includes several other Middle Eastern nations.

 After the ban, remittances became the main foreign exchange earner; thousands fled the country during an outbreak of war in 1988, and regularly send money to their families. The Ministry of Planning estimates remittances account for US$500 million - or about 80 percent of Somaliland's economy.

 "When people leave the country legally, we are happy that they are able to send back money, but as much as possible we try to discourage young people from leaving illegally - then it becomes a matter of life and death and we cannot encourage that," Abdi said.

 Despite the risks, many families scrimp and save to send their children on these journeys. Over the past year, Amina Rooble (not her real name) has spent more than $6,500 on transport, communication, paying traffickers and bribing prison officers, all in an effort to get her son Hashim to Italy.

 Although his boat sank, Hashim survived and is now seeking asylum in Italy. "Even though my son was rescued, two other members of my family died on that boat," Rooble said.

 Incentive to stay

 The government and local NGOs have run campaigns to discourage young people from leaving, but according to Yahye Mohamoud Ahmed, head of the Somaliland National Youth Organisation NGO, unless the government can provide some motivation, young people will continue to escape in droves.

 "They have no incentive to stay - no jobs and no businesses, so it is fairly futile to tell them to stay," he said. "They need to be given the capacity to feed themselves here."

 Ahmed added that many young men were now taking swimming lessons and using hi-tech communication equipment - such as satellite telephones to make SOS calls - to make their trips safer.

 "When they hear about their friends and relatives in London or Italy, they get encouraged to go; even when their relatives have no jobs there, they still think they have a better life than here," he added.

 According to Ahmed Abdi, the national development plan includes the creation of two vocational training institutes in every region of Somaliland to boost the number of tertiary institutions and the variety of courses available.

 "We also intend to set up micro-finance schemes to enable them to be self-supporting," he added.

 He noted that despite the continued livestock ban, a few countries in the Arab world were starting to buy Somaliland's meat, and the government hoped the Saudi ban would be lifted, restoring the industry.

 Youth policy

 The Ministry of Youth and Sports, in partnership with the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), is drafting a national youth policy - due to be passed by parliament in 2011 - that hopes to address issues of youth emigration, unemployment, education and political participation.

 "What we need more than anything is resources from our international partners focused on development rather than strictly emergencies - resources focusing on education and building the economy would encourage young people to stay and build their own nation," the Ministry of Youth's Abdi said.

 maj/kr/mw[END]

 http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

Xubnihii u Fooday Moddo Kordhinta iyo Magacyadoodii

Xubnihii u Fooday Moddo Kordhinta iyo Magacyadoodii iyo Beelaha ay Magacooda Ku Foodaan.

Annaga oo idiin soo gudbinay qaybtii hore ee magacyadii xubnihii ka fooday muddo kordhinta, waxaanu haddeerna idiin soo gudbinaynaa, magacyadii iyo xubnihii u fooday muddo kordhinta xukuumada Somaliland.  Gollaha Guurtida Somaliland qaab-dhismeedkiisa, sidii aanu hore u sheegnay wuxuu ku salaysan yahay beelo, weli ma hano qaadin, mana gaadhin heer lagu soo doorto qaab dimoqraadiya oo ka baxsan beelaha iyo kalsoonida ay ka haystaan beelaha soo xushay bilowgii ee ay magacooda ku fadhiyaan. Waxa ay ku fadhiyaan xubnaha Gollaha Guurtidu hanaankii beelaha ahaa ee lagu soo xulay aasaaskii Somaliland. Waa gollaha sharciyeed ee qudha ee aan weli loo qaadin cod ka turjumaya dadweynaha, oo aanay ka dhicin doorasho xalaal ah oo lagu tartamo xubinimada Gollaha Guurtida. 

Iyadoo sidaas ah ayaa awooda distuurka Somaliland siinayaa, in ay xaq u leeyihiin muddo kordhinta, haddii xukuumada Somaliland ku timaado xaallado sababaya in loo kordhiyo. Sidoo kale waxa ay dhex u yihiin ama ay tahay in ay u ahaadaan dhex xisbiyada qaranka Somaliland, waxaase cad in ay intooda badani ka tirsan yihiin xisbiga xukuumada haya ee Udub.

Annaga saxaafad ahaan waxa nagu qasab ah, maadama aanu ka hadlayno nidaamka Somaliland ee guurtida oo ku dhisan qaab beeleed, in aanu idiinku soo gudbino xaqiiqada iyo sidii ay wax u dhaceen, annaga oo eegayna meel walba, golle kasta iyo nidaamkiisa iyo sida looga fooday ama doodiisu u dhacday.

Maanta waxaanu idiin soo gudbinaynaa bal sida xubnaha Gollaha Guurtida oo ku metela dadweynaha qaab beelaysan ay u codeeyeen. Annaga oo idiin soo gudbinay xubnihii u codeeyey markii hore diidmada, hadderna waxaanu idiin soo gudbinaynaa kuwa u codeeyey ogolaanshiiyaha in muddaa loo kordhiyo xukuumada. waxaanu uga jeednaa in aad heshaan war sugan oo xaqiiqo ah, in aad ogaataan geediga dimoqraadiga iyo hanaqaadkiisu halka uu marayo iyo in xubnaha ka tirsan xisbiyada dimoqraadiga ah ee ku bahoobay hanaanka axsaabta badani ay u jaleecaan, bal in dimoqraadiyadii ay ku bahoobeen si hufan u hanaqaaday. 

Tirada guud ee codaysay waa 35 diiday, 42 yeelay iyo 2 ka aamusay. waxaanu idiin soo gudbinay, shan iyo sodonkii xubnood ee diiday, haddeerna waxaanu idiin soo gudbinaynaa 42 xubnood ee diiday iyo labadii ka aamusay.

Shalay doorashadii ka dhacday Gollaha Guurtida iyo sidii loo kala fooday waakan ee jaleec wacan:

Beesha Samaroon.

1. Yuusuf Sh. Axmed Cabdilaahi ( Ugaaska). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
2. Nuur Rayaale Khayre. Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
3. Xuseen Madar Xoosh ( Suleex ). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
4. Ibraahim Ciise Buux. Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
5. Cabdiraxmaan Axmed Araaye. Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
6. Diini Cabdullaahi Hande. Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
7. Maxamoud Xareed Rooble. Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
8. Daahir Cali Jaamac. Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.

Beesha Ciise.

1. Axmed Daahir Maxamoud ( Jirde).  Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
2. Sh. Maxamoud Xirsi Faarax. Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
3. Nuur Sugaal Geelle. Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
4. Axmed Waaberi Maydhane. Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.

Beesha Ayuub.

1. Cabdiraxmaan Cismaan Jaamac. Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
2. SH. Axmed Nuur Furre . (Guddomiye ku xigeenka Gollaha). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
3. Cali Aden Qalinle.  Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.

Beesha Habar Awal.

1. Suldaan Maxamed Suldaan Cabdiraxmaan Sh. Maxamed ( Jibriil Abokor). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
2. Sh. Cabdiraxmaan Maxamed Muuse. ( Makaahiil). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
3. Sh.Khaliif Sh. Xasan Cusmaan ( Reer Liibaan). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
4. Muxumud Aw Axmed X Aden.( Adaraxmaan sacad). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta
5. Saleebaan Garas Seed. ( Ciise Muuse) Waa U Fooday Kordhinta
6. Maxamed Carab ( Ciise Muuse).  Waa U Fooday Kordhinta
7. Xasan Axmed Faarax ( Boobe) ( Ciise Muuse). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta
8. Xaashi Cabdi Shiil ( Maaya khaarij). ( Coofle Badhi). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.

Beesha Toljecle.

1. Cabdi Cabdillaahi Xasan ( Cabdi Waqooyi). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.

Beesha Ciidagale.

1. Xaaji Cabdi Xuseen Yuusuf ( cabdi Waraabe). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
2. Maxamoud Maxamed Yaasiin ( DHeeg) Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
3. Maxamoud Cabdillahi Qaalib ( Ina diri-qadhaadh) Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.

Beesha HabarYoonis.

1. Axmed Muuse Obsiiye ( Reer Caynaanshe). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
2. Ibraahim Aw Nuur Jiciir. ( Reer Xuseen). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
3. Farxaan Ciise Ubaxle. ( Isxaaq). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
4. Saciid Cabdillahi Yaasir. (Muusse Cbdalle). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
5. Ina Xiris Guur-xume ( Reer Ugaadh). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.

Beesha Arab.

1. Cabdiqaadir Aw Xuseen Mire ( Samane). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.
2. Cabdicaasiis Maxamed gaaxnuug ( Saleebaan). Waa U Fooday Kordhinta.

Beesha Warsangeli.

1. Siciid Jaamac Cali. Waa u Fooday Kordhinta

Beesha Dhulbahante.

1. Cawil Cabdullaahi Caydiid ( Baharasame) Waa u Fooday Kordhinta.
2. Cabdiqaadir Maxamed Xasan (Indho). Waa u fooday Kordhinta.

Beelaha Kale ee Xubnaha Ku leh Gollaha.

1. Cabdillaahi Shiikh Xasan Cismaan ( Abba-yoonis). Waa u fooday Kordhinta.
2. Shiikh Cumar Shiikh Axmed Fure ( Akishe). Waa u fooday Kordhinta.
3. Yuusuf Cabdillaahi Cawaale ( Madigaan). Waa u fooday Kordhinta.
4. Axmed Nuur Aw Cali aadan ( Magaado). Waa u fooday Kordhinta.
5. Jirde Siciid Maxamed ( Muuse-dheriye). Waa u fooday Kordhinta.

Waxaa kaloo aan codayn Gollaha laba xubnood oo kala ah.

Xubnaha Aamusay Ee Aan Codayn

Guddoomiyaha Gollaha Guurtida, Saleebaan Maxamuud Aadan iyo xubin kale oo ka soo jeeda beesha Habarjeclo, waana Xildhibaan, Maxamed Ducaale Faarax ( Ina Ducaale Qurux). Wuxuuna ku fadhiyaa magaca beesha habarjeclo, Axmed Faarax Cabdiile.

Riix halkan si aad u jaleecdo magacyada kuwa diiday muddo kordhinta iyo beelahooda.
http://www.somalilandfuture.com/ee/index.php/weblog/more/magacyada_xubnaha_gollaha_guurtida_kuwooda_codeeyey_maanta_iyo_kuwa_aan_cod/

Kala soco wararka dhabta ah iyo faalloyinka danbe Shabakada wararka ee Somalilandfuture Online.

Somalilandfuture Online.

--
Posted By Samotalis to GARGAAR at 3/29/2009 08:37:00 PM

No mobile for Jamie at G20 summit

No mobile for Jamie at G20 summit

Jamie Oliver will be deprived of his mobile phone while cooking for the G20 summit banquet at No 10, it is reported, even though his wife, Jools, is about to give birth to their third child.

This is for 'security reasons' - meaning the presence of President Barack Obama. It's said that more than 500 officials and staff will accompany Obama, whose $300,000 armour-plated limousine, known as the Beast, will also be ferried over for him.

A U.S. official explains: 'When the President travels, the White House travels with him, right down to the car he drives, the water he drinks, the gasoline he uses, the food he eats.

'America is still the sole superpower and the President must have the ability to handle any crisis, anywhere, any time.' Supposedly more 'cool' than his predecessor, George W. Bush, Obama nevertheless shows no signs of scaling down the inyourface vulgarity of U.S. presidential visits overseas. 'Security' is the catch-all excuse offered.

Why don't they grow up and calm down?

Source: Daily Mail

Somaliland Opposition should BOYCOTT the elections

 Rayale and his gang think they own everything in the country. Mr. Ahmed Siilayo talked to the BBC Somali service on 28 of March 29 about how Riyaale uses illegal means and tools to extend his dictator rule. Mr.Siilanyo did not elaborate much about these tools, but mainly Riyale uses two bodies: One is the national election committee which all it previous heads were the three members picked by Riyale directly. The other illegal body is the Guurti who are representing and protecting Riyale and not the people.

I think now it is time to show this gang that the opposition represents the hope for this country. It is time to show the kind of future Somaliland would hold without Kulmiye & UCID. It is the best time to prove for those who love peace that these two opposition parties act as a firewall that protects Somaliland from violence and other forms of opposition which are harmful to our existence. Today, it is the time to show the world the truth about Riyale who did not listen to his people but rather to his dictator friends: Meles Zinawi and Omer Geele

Therefore, I call for opposition parties to quit this show and boycott the elections. Otherwise they will be the third body working for Riyale and his gang to cover up more extensions and illegal secular rule under the cover of a lie called in Somaliland democracy.

Abdirahman Mohamed
Haadka@gmail.com

Somaliland: UCID Party Joins Kulmiye in....

Somaliland: UCID Party Joins Kulmiye in Rejecting the Guurti Decision

Hargeisa, March 29 2009 (somalilandpress) - The chairman of UCID, opposition party in Somaliland Mr. Faisal Ali Warabe said the new extension is unconstitutional and the party will be ready for the elections according to the Eletoral Commission's decision to do it end of May 2009.

Speaking to the BBC Somali section, Mr. Faisal said they have respect for the members of the Upper House and they commend of their achivements in the past years, but they seem to be pullied by the politics. He said this decision is absulately wrong.

He called the three political parties to come together and make a joint decision. He said the Guurto do not have the mandate to set the election date which is the job of the electoral commission.

Somaliland: Opposition Leader Rejects the Guurti Decision

Hargeisa, March 29 2009 (Somalilandpress) — The leader of the main opposition Kulmiye Party, Mr. Ahmed Mohamoud Silanyo slammed the Guurti's decision to extend the term of the current government by another six months. Mr. Silanyo said the Upper House does not have the mandate to set the election date.

"Only the electoral committee have the mandate to set the date of the elections" Said the chairman.
Mr. Silanyo said this is a dark moment for the growing democracy of Somaliland and they will not recognize the government after the 6th of April when the government's term comes to an end. He said they trust the electoral commision and they will collaborate with them accordingly.

Mr Silanyo said his party will be issuing a joint statement in the coming hours and expressed anger towards Rayale's administration and the Upper House on their continues abuse of the constitution.

The chairman also talked about two journalists that were arrested yesterday accusing the government of using force against reporters and not allowing the freedom of expression.

Source: Somalilandpress

Magacyada Xubnaha Gollaha Guurtida Ee diiday Muddo Kordhinta

Magacyada Xubnaha Gollaha Guurtida Kuwooda Diiday Mashruuca Muddo Kordhinta

Gollaha Guurtida Somaliland qaab dhsimeedkiisa ayaa ah mid ku salaysan beelo, weli ma hano qaadin, mana gaadhin heer lagu soo doorto qaab dimoqraadiya, waxayna ku fadhiyaan weli hanaankii beelaha ahaa ee lagu soo xulay aasaaskii Somaliland. Waa gollaha sharciyeed ee qudha ee aan weli loo qaadin cod ka turjumaya dadweynaha, tartana aanu ka dhicin.

Iyadoo sidaas ah ayaa awooda distuurku siinayaa, in ay xaq u leeyihiin muddo kordhinta, sidoo kale ay dhex u ahaadaan xisbiyada qaranka Somaliland. Waxaas nagu qasab ah, maadama aynu ka hadlayno nidaamka Somaliland ee guurtida oo ku dhisan qaab beeleed, aynu innaga oo xaqiiqada eegayna u soo bandhigno dadweynaha, bal sida xubnaha Gollaha Guurtida oo ku metela dadweynaha qaab beelaysan ay u codeeyeen. Si xubnaha ka tirsan xisbiyada dimoqraadiga ah ee ku bahoobay hanaanka axsaabta badani ay jaleecaan, bal in dimoqraadiyadii ay ku bahoobeen si hufan u hanaqaaday.

Saaka doorashadii ka dhcaday Gollaha Guurtida iyo sidii loo kala fooday waakan ee jaleec wacan:

Beesha Habarjeclo.

1. Cabdiraxmaan Cismaan Cabdulle ( Cumar Jibriil) Waa diiday Muddo Kordhin. 
2.. Caydiid Cabdi Maxamed ( Xaydh) ( Cumar Jibrill) Waa diiday muddo korhin. 
3.. Sahal Jaamac ( Cumar Jibriil) Waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
4. Pro: Axmed Diri Cali ( Cibraan) Waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
5. Maxamed Maxamuud Diiriye (Cibraan) Waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
6. Aadan Shire Faarax (Cibraan) Waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
7. Siciid Shire Xuseen ( Uduruxmiin) Waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
8. Cawil Cismaan Maxamed ( Reer Yoonis) Waa diiday mudo kordhin. 
9. Khadar Xuseen Sahal ( Reer Dood) waa diiday mudo kordhin. 
10Cawil Xuseen Axmed ( Reer Daahir) Waa diidau mudo kordhin. 
11.. Ismaaciil Xaaji cabdi ( Sanbuur ) Waa diiday mudo kordhin. 
12. Maxamed Jaamac Abokor ( Sanbuur) Waa diiday mudo kordhin.

Beesha Arab.

1. Cabdiraxmaan Qawdhan Maxamed ( Subeer Cali) Waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
2. Jaamac Faarax Axmed ( cabdalle aarab) waa didiay muddo kordhin. 
3. Maxamed Ismaaciil cabdi ( Reer Cali) Waa diiday muddo kordhin . 
4. Khadar ismaaciil qardhab ( Maxamed Fanax) waa diiday muddo kordhin.

Beesha Habaryoonis.

1. Cabdillaahi Ibraahim Xirsi ( Reer Sugule) Waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
2. Cmuar Nuux Xasan ( Reer Cawl) Waa diiday muddo kordhin.

Beesha Ciidagale.

1. Marwadii Maxamed Cismaan, Laangadhe Libaaxo ( Baho Dhamal) Waa diiday muddo kordhin.

Beesha Warsangeli.

1. Maxamed Hiirad Shir-tag Waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
2. Cabdillaahi maxamed Huruuse, waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
3. Maxamed Siciid Dhiif, waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
4. Cabdillaahi maxamed Xaaji Xuseen, Waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
5. Faysal Maxamed Axmed, waadiiday muddo kordhin. 
6. Cabdisalaam axamed Siciid, waa diiday muddo kordhin.

Beesha Dhulbahante.

1. Cumar Faarax Budeeye, waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
2. C/Rashiid Sh. Cabillaahi Aden, waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
3. Muuse Ciise Faarax ( Xamari ). waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
4. Xirsi Ciise Jaamac, waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
5. Maxamed Weli Warsame Cali, waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
6. Cismaan Cali Cabdi ( majo-qariye), waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
7. C/raxmaan Cabdi X.Faarax, waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
8. Axmed Xasan Saalax, waa diiday muddo kordhin. 
9. Xasan Cumar Axmed, waa diiday muddo kordhin.

Beesha Habar Awal.

1. Cabdiraxmaan Shhikh Yuusuf Shiikh Madar ( Reer Xoosh) Waa diiday Muddo kordhinta.

Waxaan soo gudbin doonaa, xubnaha u fooday mooshina iyo beelaha ay ka soo jeedaan ee ku fadhiyaan magacooda Gollaha Guurtida.

source:   Somalilandfuture Online

 

Sanaa’s First Woman Lawyer

Sanaa's First Woman Lawyer

28/03/2009

By Arafat Madabish

Sanaa, Asharq Al-Awsat - There have been a number of important stages in the life of Shada Nasser – the first female lawyer to work in Sanaa, and the first female lawyer to stand before the [Yemeni] courts unveiled – that have helped build her character and refine her talent, which has allowed her to become one of the most feted Yemeni lawyers on both the national and international levels. Perhaps many people recall the picture of Shada Nasser taken less than a month ago when she jointly received an international prize in New York [Woman of the Year Prize from Glamour Magazine] along with Najood Ali. Shada Nasser represented Najood Ali in court, successfully securing a marriage annulment for the girl who was only ten years old at the time. This resulted in the two receiving international fame, since this was an unprecedented event in Yemen and has encouraged other girls [in the same situation as Najood] to do the same.

Shada Nasser was born on 1 May 1964 in Aden, which at the time was a British colony. Her father, Mohamed Nasser Mohamed, was a well-known politician and diplomat who died under mysterious circumstances in an airplane accident in 1973 along with a number of other diplomats from South Yemen. Shada graduated with a Law degree from Charles University in Prague in 1989, and completed a one-year postgraduate degree from the same university. Shada worked as Director of the Drafting Committee for Legal Affairs for the University of Sanaa between 1990 and 1996, and she also founded the first female only law firm in March 1996. Shada Nasser also participated in the Yemeni parliamentary elections of April 1997, acting as Assistant Secretary-General of Technical Affairs for the Electoral Oversight Commission.

Shada Nasser was one of three female Yemeni lawyers to found the pioneering female law firm in the Yemeni capital of Sanaa, where it was unprecedented for women to work in law, in comparison to the city of Aden where women work as lawyers, judges, and police officers.

Shada believes that her determination is what has allowed her to overcome these professional obstacles and barriers to become the first female lawyer in the city of Sanaa.

The first day of Shada Nasser's professional life as a lawyer was a strange and busy one. Shada told Asharq Al-Awsat, "I hailed a taxi cab and asked the driver to take me to the Bani Al-Harith Court which is located in the north of the city. The driver was very curious, and what served to increase his curiosity was that I was unveiled. This was ten years ago when I was younger and more beautiful! The driver asked me 'You must have a case in court?' I answered yes. He said 'Are you filing for divorce?' I said no, I'm a lawyer. He did not believe me and continued to believe that I was going to court to file for divorce. He continued to ask me questions and in the end he said to me 'If it won't embarrass you, tell me who your husband is, and I will hit him for you!'"

Inside court Shada Nasser found a number of tribal men and others who were waiting for their legal cases to be heard. They looked at her in shock and said 'What is this girl doing here?'

Perhaps Shada Nasser was frightened at the prospect of standing before a traditional Yemeni judge who would not have been used to dealing with female lawyers. However she was surprised as the judge was completely calm. Of her first day in court Shada said, "In my first case, I was in front of Judge Mohamed Hamran, and to be honest he welcomed me as a member [of the court] and he encouraged me and my other colleagues, and we did not feel that he was treating us as women or girls with no experience or unable to handle our responsibilities. Some judges in Sanaa's courts also [treated us] in the same way such as Judge Mohamed al Wadaey and Judge Mohamed al Sharfi, who encouraged the role of women."

But judges and indeed Yemenis in general, are not all the same, and do not all encourage the role of women in the judicial system. One of these, according to Shada Nasser, was a judge who later went on to become a minister, and Shada Nasser has bad memories of him. Shada said, "He did not welcome me. Another judge would ask me to move from [sitting] in the front row to [sit] in the second row. When I asked why, he answered, 'You are a woman, and the front row is for men only, no matter whether you are a lawyer or not.' But my insistence in doing my job in a professional manner eventually forced him to respect me."

Shada Nasser, who was born in Aden and studied in Eastern Europe, returned to her country at a time when North and South Yemen were being reunified, and the new capital city became the conservative Sanaa, rather than the liberal Aden. Shada Nasser, who grew up in liberal Aden, was thus free from the social customs and traditions that were and are still prevalent in Northern Yemen, including wearing the Hijab [headscarf] and the Niqab [face veil]. Speaking about this Shada remembers, "Once I was trying a case in front of a judge and suddenly my Hijab fell off my head – which I did not [ordinarily] wear in any case but had opted to cover my hair in accordance with society [in Sanaa]. The Secretariat of the Court asked me angrily 'What is that on your head?' meaning your Hijab has fallen off and you are standing in front of the judge with an uncovered head. Then I started to fasten a pin to my Hijab to avoid such situations [in the future]."

The daughter of a liberal politician and diplomat, it was expected that Shada Nasser would follow in the footsteps of her father, either into politics or diplomacy, or journalism. Her father was also a journalist and founded the newspaper 'Al Tariq' in Aden in 1966, which is now run by his son, Ayman Nasser. However Shada Nasser chose the path of law, and she confirms that she chose to enter law because her father died under mysterious circumstances which went uninvestigated, and she hoped to prosecute the persons who, in her own words, "killed my father." This is not the only

reason that Shada Nasser decided to enter law, but also because she wanted to stand up for the oppressed.

Shada Nasser is one of the few female [Yemeni] public figures not to have affiliated themselves with a political party, and she was particularly influenced by her father's political ideals. She explained this saying, "Since my childhood I lived in the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen [South Yemen] which was built almost along socialist lines. My father read widely and followed the news to the point that we had a small radio in our bathroom, and newspapers next to it, and he would listen to the news and read in the bathroom so as not to waste time. He dreamt of an equal society with regards to human rights and duties, he dreamt of helping the workers and peasants, but he was not a revolutionary!"

Despite the large number of legal cases that Shada Nasser has undertaken over the previous years, both nationally and internationally, her victory in the case of the child-marriage of Najood Ali represents a pivotal moment in her professional career, according to many observers in Yemen. Shada believes that Najood is just one example of a phenomenon that affects thousands of lives "but Najood was the only one to reach the court and say no to an early marriage, and her voice has reached the entire world."

The environment that Shada Nasser was born into and grew up in is very different from the environment that she currently lives in, for society in general, and women in particular, had more freedom the 'People's Democratic Republic of Yemen' or 'South Yemen' but after the unification she moved to live in the new capital of Sanaa, which has been the capital of the 'Yemen Arab Republic' or 'North Yemen.' In Sanaa, she found many differences including high rates of illiteracy, and the oppression of women's rights, even though the law said that they – to some extent – are equal to men, reality showed otherwise.

The new reality faced by Shada Nasser may have caused some kind of shock in the beginning, and perhaps it can be said that she has adapted to [this new reality] today just as many of her counterparts have. Many men have also adapted to this new reality, whether they moved from Aden to Sanaa after the unification of the country, or whether they returned to Yemen after studying abroad. This is why we find many people, including Shada, who speak about the regime and the laws in the former South Yemen, and of the privileges that they experienced there that allowed Shada Nasser to study in Europe and go on to become a famed lawyer today. This is why she feels that there are "many oppressed people in our society, especially women and children; this includes a group female prisoners in the Central Prison in Sanaa who are imprisoned along with their children [after giving birth in prison]."

Even among the educated women of Yemen, Shada Nasser has been lucky to accomplish all that she has, especially in comparison to many girls who graduate from university in Yemen but are unable to enter the work force due to their husbands wishes. Shada Nasser is married to Dr. Mohamed Ali Al Saqqaf, a professor of international law and Sorbonne graduate; he is a "southerner" like her, who shares similar beliefs as her about living in a "male dominated" society, which does not occur within the tribal community alone, but can also be seen within the educated elites of Yemen.

There can be no doubt that Shada Nasser is proud of her many [legal] victories, but of course these are a drop in the ocean when looking at the reality of Yemen. What cannot be denied is that there are those [in Yemen] who see Shada Nasser merely as a woman, and there are those who completely disagree with her and the principles that she represents. However this does not preclude others from looking at Shada Nasser's experience and how this might influence the next generation of Yemenis, not only in Aden but in Sanaa also.

Somaliland Lawmakers Exchange Blows In Vicious Fistfight

Somaliland Lawmakers Exchange Blows In Vicious Fistfight  Posted on Friday, March 27 @ 13:11:01 EDT by admin

London, 27 March 2009 (Somaliland Today)- A vicious fistfight erupted in the upper chamber of Somaliland's parliament on Wednesday, as Abdirahman Qawdhan who is opposed to an extension of president Rayale's term of office landed a series of punches on Mr. Dheg who is an avid backer of the president. 

The scuffles broke out when the chairman of the upper chamber of the parliament, Suleiman Mohamoud Aden, began to read out a letter submitted by president Rayale to the parliament in which he requested for an extension of his term of office, which expires on 6th April, as well as the approval of the date set by the National Electoral Commission for presidential election- 31st May 2009.

While Mr. Qawdhan was embroiled in a vicious brawl with Mr. Dheg, another lawmaker, Mr. Said Yasir, who is also believed to be an ardent supporter of Rayale, jumped on Mr.Qawdhan and involved himself in nasty punch-ups and pushing.

Yasir later said, according to HAATUF, that he was 'only trying to intervene and prevent from further fighting'- an explanation rejected by Mr. Qawdhan as misleading.

President Rayale was elected on 14 April 2003 for five years, which ended on 14 April 2008. However, he failed to hold the presidential election at the scheduled date because the European Union insisted on voter registration in Somaliland before conducting any election. As a result, Rayale was granted a one-year extension of term of office ending 6 April 2009. However, he is still unable to hold the presidential election because of 'bureaucratic and logistical' reasons cited by the National Electoral Commission- an agency described by many as a pliant body that takes its orders from the president.

There is serious disagreement in the upper chamber of the parliament between those who want to have the president's term of office extended and those who adamantly oppose it like Mr. Qawdhan.

In another development, Ibrahim Jama Ali (Rayte), a lawmaker from the lower chamber of the parliament was involved in punch- up with Mohamed Muse Diriye, head of the Somaliland government's TV.

Meanwhile, the nation holds its breath to wait and see what resolution members of the upper chamber of the parliament reaches in the days to come.

Somaliland Today
News desk.

The ideological phase of the conflict in Somalia: A mixed picture of hope and despair.

http://www.somalilandnet.com/news/headline_news/2008/20084247.shtml

Published: Mar 25 2009 - 10 01

Mar 25 2009 (Somaliland Net) - Nowhere in Africa that Nature and man-made hazards such as wars and their impact on life and environment are so critical, so complex, and so intertwined as in this sub-region of the Horn, where current state of affairs is one that increases tempo towards protracted religious wars. 

One of the focal points of this complexity lies in the recent developments in Somalia following the withdrawal of the Ethiopian forces and the vacuum left by the departure of the last contingent of the Ethiopian army from Bay-dhaba, the seat of the TFG parliament. This has caused further escalation of tensions, this time, between radical Islamists on one side, and the government forces and moderate Islamists on the other.

This new polarization of forces reshaped the already contradictory situation of uncertainty and hope by casting more doubts on which way things will be turning about. Both ample opportunities and great challenges became open possibilities to inspire sense of optimism but also yielded source of despair in the same time. 

In the short and medium terms, one can envisage the direction where the stream of events is heading to, through which different options and scenario would justifiably expected. Following the Djibouti agreement, a shift towards exertion to building an Islamic state in Somalia seemed to be the main trend that may decide much of the future developments. The main driving force of this trend and the actors of change are predominantly Islamists who have acquired strength at the formation of the new government of Sheikh Sharief. 

Serious imbalance of forces have occurred in favor of those who inclined to Sharia implementation, a matter which added to the Somali conflict still a more difficult religious dimension. The conflict amongst Islamist groups, who have different understanding vis-a-vis the tenets, ways and means to building an Islamic State further radicalized and intensified the conflict over Sharia Law. Already the gap between radical and moderates in the Islamist´s front is noticeable. Moreover, different radical Islamist groups each of whom have their own brand of Islam in mind according to their own interpretation of Islam seemed to be stubborn in their believes and dogmas to realizing their objectives. In this regard a promising step was taken by Sh. Shariif´s group of the Islamic Courts Union who recognize political dialogue, rejecting violence and opted to join the peace process. As a result they have deserved acceptance on worldwide level as moderates whom one can deal with and seemingly represent the voice of reason and hope.

These positive signs regarding the new leadership seemed justifiable since Sheikh Shariif´s election gave additional hope to Mogadishu population in particular, he as a person has, so far, shown certain degree of leadership qualities and sense of tolerance in his short period of involvement in politics. His decision to leave Asmara camp with his wing of Re-liberation and Reinstitution of Somalia made him seen inside and abroad as a man of wisdom and not only a Machiavellian type of politician like most of his predecessors.

In spite, of this optimism mentioned above, the way ahead to a real breakthrough to ending the stalemate in Somalia is obviously long and rough, and the challenges ahead are increasingly formidable calling the new leadership to seriously consider the following momentous issues:-

What kind of Somalia do you want to build?. This question is the key to better understanding about what the coming days and years will be caring to this already miserable region of the Horn. Hence, there is an urgent need to comprehend the kind of Islamic state the new government in Mogadishu meant by their decision to implement Sharia law.

The reason for such concerns reside in the fact that eventually there will be only two types of states known to mankind, no matter what name they take and on what principles they are based: dictatorship or democracy, social equality or tyranny. 

After a long history of suffering from brutality of tyranny followed by civil wars and statelessness, Somali people in south have every right to expect a new type of state that constitute an alternative which negates the past atrocities and oppression. The sort of state the Somali people hoped to see has certain qualities and characteristics which qualify for any state in the 21 century to be acceptable locally, regionally and internationally. 

The new leadership in Mogadishu, whose fate is to face the challenges of the 21 century need to define their priorities accordingly. While dealing with the immediate tasks of peace building and reconciliation, long and medium range challenges will demand equal attention. The capability to foresee and pre-plan for the problems that are on the way will necessarily lead to a realistic approach in dealing with them on time. This will necessitate to depend not only on one´s personal experience and knowledge but mainly on those sincere and credible intellectuals who can produce ideas. Both Local and foreign expertise as knowledgeable think-tang, are indispensably imperative for any statesman in the modern world. 

Old ideologies and dogmas do not provide appropriate answers for today´s problems in the age of globalization and interdependency, but complicate, confuse understanding, and limit the ability to look at the world as it is in reality. Moreover, it creates imaginary worlds, of permanent enemies and friends. 

The world outlook that is based on ideology is a claim to have absolute truth which necessarily leads its believers to counteract realities and cancel out the facts on earth. Conservative ideological world standpoint predetermines the inevitability of wars, and as a result presupposed imaginary enemies would be needed to fight on, this happens when the real enemies are forgotten.

Somalis and, not necessarily foreigners, are the real enemies whose words and deeds have been against the interests of the Somali people over the years. Experience in the last forty years confirms this fact. Siyaad Barre´s era, was a time when all resources and ideas were monopolized by one man, who claimed to have had the absolute wisdom; ´Father of knowledge of our Universe´ (Guule-wade Siyad Aabihii garashada Geyigayagow). Followed by the era of Warlordism, the lot of evils, whose slogans had been ´agree not to agree, employed clan militias to enrich through destruction and killing. Then came the era of Islamists who declared religious wars, shooting to all directions and killing anyone who might have a different opinion.

Democracy is the alternative: To address the controversy over the question of which comes first, democracy or unity and its relevance to ´Greater Somalia´ quest, one has to generalize the contemporary African political history which has been divided, by scholars, into two main stages, the first phase (1950s-1970s) which was characterized by particular tasks related to liberation from the conventional colonial domination of Europe. The awareness and aspiration of that generation of leaders were focused on political disengagement from colonial powers. The issues of social and economic freedoms were not yet been elaborated and comprehended beyond the scope of presupposed rosy picture related to post Colonial Africa. The awareness of social emancipation, in each of the African countries, was not included in the agenda of nation building at the time. As a result the issues of economic, social, and political liberties as human rights were not raised in a bold manner with the exception of few countries where social classes had been crystallized to certan extent and where strong trade union movements spearheaded these demands, Sudan, Senegal, Angola, South Africa extra. This period in history was known as National liberation phase of Africa. In the second phase, started from late sixties of the last century, democratization became a pressing need as the last Portuguese colonies were liberated and long after South Africa and Namibia followed to deepen the responsiveness to the democratic dimension of the process. By the time Africa entered in the period of democratization as an urgent task. As the peoples of the continent acquired consciousness to social liberties in the course of which distribution of national wealth, and concerns of participation and equity moved to the forefront in the agenda of political and social change in the post colonial Africa.

However, democracy was not seen as a long evolutionary process, during which ups and downs are objectively unavoidable. As a result of lack of democracy, which has been the root-cause of all these conflicts between man and between man and Nature, Africa got itself passing through critical times. The phenomenon of failed state became a historical trend, Some countries have already failed, and many others are becoming failing states. Somalia is one of the first failed states in the continent. Problems of failing and failed states require internally induced solutions based on comprehensive national democratic orientation as external factor can be considered only a supportive catalyst.

Prismatic slogans such as Continental United States of Africa are attempts of escaping forward to step-over democratization tasks that Africa must face, by which the urgent questions on Africa´s problems are to be addressed. Hasty steps towards unrealistic prestigious projects create confusion and distort awareness to the need to democratization. 

Against this background, ´greater Somalia´ quest must be raised, reviewed, and reversed so that the past atrocities committed under its banner be corrected by taking seriously the co-relation and intertwining of nation building and democratization. 

In the Somali context there are two different opinions vis-a-vis this issue. Those who sincerely aspire to a new Somalia as a factor of peace and progress in line with issues of rights of the people to choose their leaders through ballot boxes, and those who attempt to the imposition of extremism, propagate for violence at the expenses of peace, stability and democratic choice for Somalia and for the region. 

Enough experience of atrocities in the past proved intolerable, attempts to repeat that legacy is unimaginable. Injustice can not be repeated under the same slogans of the 1960s. What implies here is to deny the rights of Digil-Mirfle people to rule their regions and to use their own local language, and to cast doubts on Puntland´s status of their people´s choice as an autonomous region with credible record of peace and institutional building and which is willing to be part in a democratic Somalia.

Somaliland, which had been a different country before the union with Somalia and which succeeded to make a different history of its own since 1991 has totally been denied (its existence) by Somalia´s leaders. In spite of this rejection, Somaliland does exist as a peaceful and democratic country, the same country which had entered with Somalia in partnership union. This union was abused by Southern political elite.

By continuing refuting to acknowledge these facts of the past and present Somaliland, would only mean to make the gap wider and deeper. Democratic minded leadership in Somalia must reflect the interests of the peace and stability in the region, denounce patronage behavior and expansionism, a matter that could open the horizon to pave the way to wider space of opportunities for a peaceful and democratic solutions for the regional problems as a whole. 

The kind of ´Greater Somalia´ rhetoric in use in Mogadishu these days worries all peace loving people in this region. The new leadership in Mogadishu should somehow clarify which positions they stand from these basic conceptual issues in question. By so doing they will acquire both more friends and more foes. Somali wisdom that says ´Laba daran mid dooro´ meaning, the wise person is he who can select one from two difficult choices, is very much in point here. 

Which way they go will determine the future of Somalia, and the region. New Somalia which is peaceful with itself, with its neighbors and with the world at large would mark the type Somalis need to see. Repeating the history of totalitarianism with the eventuality of Islamic Emirate in the Horn of Africa will open unpredictable options and scenarios.

Islam is not the problem, it has been here and known even before most of the Arab countries, deep-rooted in the hearts and minds of this people, the Suffi order of Islam, has been a factor of tolerance, peace and stability over the centuries. The problem is politicizing religion with the aim to use it as a weapon of oppression and a stair to power and money, relevant question, however, is what type of Islam, the Suffi order of Islam, which all Somalis and indeed the entire muslim peoples of the region belong to or Dalibanization of Somalia? 

Adam Musse Jibril can be contacted here: adamjibril@hotmail.com