10 September, 2014

الطفلة الناجية الوحيدة من عائلة الخرّيجة الجامعية الشهيدة أماني أبو جزر ...





http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

08 September, 2014

TALOOYINKA AXMED CAWRO EE KULMIYE

 TALOOYINKA AXMED CAWRO EE KULMIYE

Waxaan jecleystay inaan dib u eego taloyiin  aan u gudbiyey Shirweyni Kulmiye ee 2007. waa xusuus mudnaanteeda leh, iyadoo aynu ku jirno dhammaadkii muddadii talada dalka leynoo doortay oo dhowaan la geli doono abaabul doorasho . Waxaan dib u eegey qodobadii aan soo jeediyey xiligaas oo Kulmiye isu ababulaayey Shirweyne. In badan oo muhiim ah ayey Alle mahadi ha ka gaadee laga qabtay, waxna wey dhiman yihiin waana sunaha nolosha oo cidina ma fuliso qorshaheeda boqolkiiba boqol, waa se inaynu isku deynaa.  Waa dardaaran iyo talooyin dhammeys ah una baahan is xusuusin walow badiba la taabogaliyey, oo aniga ii ah guul gaar ah. Waxaan isku dayi doonaa inaan is dul taago talooyin hore leh iyo xiligeeda. 

Waxa baahi weyn loo qabaa waa dardar gelinta xubnaha xisbiga iyo qiimeynta inta xisbinimadu ka dhab tahay.    


KULMIYE ALLE KA SAKOW ISAGAA GUUSHA ISU HAYA

AHMED ARWO
September 04, 2007

Saaxadda siyaasadda ee Soomaliland, waxa cad in aqlibiyadda shacbigu sugayaan hoggaanka dalka oo lagu wareejiyo Kulmiye, haddii aanu Kulmiye iska daadin. 

Maanta xisbigu waa mid qaran oo matalaaya gobal kasta oo Soomaaaliland ah, waana in laabta lagu hayaa dhismaha qaran loo dhan yahay, gobal waliba iska dhex arko maamulkiisa, la xoojiyaa awoodaha gobolada. Kulmiye waa inuu la yimaadaa barnaamaj u qalma hiilka dadweynaha. Waxaa u bilow ah inay barnaamajka xisbigu ku salaysnaado:

  1. Dib u eegidda distoorka, si loo adkeeyo dimuquraadiyadda iyo hab-maamul-wanaaga, oo ay ugu horreyso kala xadaynta Golaha Fulinta, Sharci-dejinta iyo Garsoorka.
  2. Dhismaha Xukuumad kooban oo tayayeysan.
  3. Adkaynta dhismaha ciidanka, darajo, dhaqaale iyo farsamaba.
  4. Kor-u-qaadka aqoonta iyo ka xooreynta shaqaalaha dawladda arrimaha siyaasadda. Hab-dhaqanaka shaqaalha ( Civil service code) iyo sharciga shaqo-gelinta qaranka (Public Appointments Law)
  5. Xoojinta maamulada gobalada, iyo yareenta forogelinta xukuumadda dhexe.
  6. Xoojinta Wasaaradaha Wax-soosaarka sida Beeraha, xoolaha, iyo kaluumeysiga, iyo horumarinta wasaaradaha bulsho, sida caafimaadka, tacliinta, iyo shaqada.
  7. Xalinta iyo sharciyenta arrimaha dhulka, beeraha iyo degaanada.
  8. Yareenta miisaaniyadda Madaxtooyada.
  9. Dhismaha Bankiyo ganacsi oo khaas ah.
  10. Barnaamaj khaas ah oo khuseeya Gobalada Bari, uguna horeyso lacag bedelka.
  11. Sharciyenta Idaacado xor ah
  12. Dhismaha Kuliyadaha Ciidamada: Boliska iyo Xoogaba( Military).
  13. Maalgelinta Xisbiyadda Qaranka
Waa iga tilmaan uun ee waxaan hubaa in intaas iyo dar kaleba shirka lagu soo qaadi doono. Waxa se loo baahan yahay in dheg loo yeesho rabitaanka dadweynaha, gobal kastana si siman soo-jeedintooda loo maqlo, loona qiimeeyo. Waa in xubnaha cusub ee ku soo biiray aad loo soo dhoweeya, maamulkana lagu kabaa. Waa dhig cusub oo dardartiisa iyo tabtiisa wata. Isla markaas waa inaan la iloobin ragga iyo dumarka u dhabar adeegay dhismaha xisbiga, marwalbana la siiyaa abaal marin iyo qadarin khaas ah. Haddaan wax qabadka xisbiga leysku abaal marin, oon mar walba la xusuusan cidda tiirka u taagtay, weeraha iyo waraabaha ka ilaalisay, cidda maskax iyo maalba u hurtay, la heli maayo cid u darbanaata jiritaanka xisbiga, arrintuna waxay noqonaysaa daneysi, qofba maalinta uu meel kale gacan haadis ka helo u jarmaado. Waxa xisbiga ku haya xubnihiisa waa ixtiraamka iyo qadarinta loo hayo xubnaha hadh iyo habeen u darban danta guud. Yaan leys garab dhigin colka siigadooda la arko kolka tartan jiro, iyo kuwa aan saacadna ka nasan dhismaha iyo hawlaha xisbiga. Xubnaha xisbiga waxa kala qiimeeya oo kala saara, waxqabadkooda, kaalinta ay buuxin karaan, awoodda shacbi ee dabo joogta, ee ma aha dhalashada qofka amba gobalka uu ka soo jeedo.


Bal aan hoos u degnee, sidee Kulmiye guushiisa u tuuri karaa? Waxa arrintan xilkeedu saran yahay xubnaha shirku uga bilaabmaayo 8da bishan Hargeysa. Iyagaan cidi ku labayn mas'uuliyadeeda horeyn iyo dambaynba. Waxay noqon karaan dar himmilada dadweynaha rumeeya oo jeexa dariiqii guusha, amba waxay noqon dar qardo jeexa oo dhabada loo salaxay ka luma, taariikhdana ka gala bog madow oo ku soo noqnoqda taariikhda qaranka Soomaaliland.

Dhabada guusha waxa lagu gaadhi karaa wadajir, is-maqal, is-dhegeysi, wada-shaqayn, is-tixgelin, is-ixtiraam, is-qadarin, kala-dambayn, abaal- marin, qiimeyn, tilmaan, tusaaleyn, is-dhaliil waxtar leh (Constructive criticism), tartan aan shakhsiyeysnayn ee loo tartamaayo sidii guusha loo dhalin lahaa,( Selfless Competition).

Dhismaha Golaha Dhexe waa in lagu saleeya waxqabad, karti, daacadnimo, iyadoo la eegaayo in dhammaan gobalada dalku ka muuqdaan si mudakar ah. Qiimeynta qofka ayaa ah tan salka u aha guusha xisbiga. Dadku waxay ka arkayaan xisbiga inta hawsha uloo igmaday ooy kow ka tahay Golaha Dhexe. Waxa xisbi waliba leeyahay kooxo amba garabo is bahaysta, waa sunaha dimuquraadiyadda ee ma aha mid xisbiga wax yeelaysa, haddii koox kastaa ay ixtiraameyso distoorka, iyo nidaamka aqlabiyadda ( Majority rule). Go'aanka ka soo baxa shirwedynahu waa inuu noqda mid dhammaan reer Kulmiye qaataan, mid wax diidan iyo mid dhammaantiiba ku qanacsan, kol haddii inta badani qaadatay. Go'aanku waa mid loo midaysan yahay, kii soo jeediyey, iyo kii diidanaaba. Ninba mar ayuu fikirkiisu hanan karaa aqlabiyadda xisbiga.Waxayna
sharci ahaan dhammaan xubnaha xisbigu ku qasban yihiin go'aanada aqlabiyadda, oo ah habka keliya ee xisbi dimuquraadi ihi ku jiri karo.

Xisbi doorasho u soo dhowdahay oo maamulkiisu kala furmaa, kala dudaa, kala cararaa guul meelna kuma leh. Waxa xisbiyada qadiimka ah sida kuwan U.K ay ka qaadataa tobaneeye sano iyo siyaade inta ay ka soo doogaan burbur ku yimaada maamulkooda, maxaad u malayn xisbi cusub oo bulshadiisu weli beelaysantay, dawladuna awooddeedoo dhan mid sharci ah iyo mid kaleba saartay burburintiisa. 20taneeye sano ayey ka qaadatay xisbiga talada haya ee Shaqaalahu (Labour Party) inuu ka soo kaco kala-jabkii ku dhacay 1978. Waxa sidoo kale saaxadda ka maqan ilaa 1997 xisbigii mudada badan dalkan ka taliyey ee Qunyarsocodka ah ( Conservative Party), markii is qabsi dhexdooda galay, Raiisul Wasaarihii ugu mudada dheeraana Mrs. Thacher iyadoo xilka haysa xisbigu tukhaantukhiyey. Waa cabasho iyo eed maalin walba dhex taala xisbiga ood hadwalba canaanteedu hadhayso hogaamiye kasta oo cusub. Waxay marayaan shan hoggaamiye ilaa maalintaas, kan maantana, waa Mr. Cameron ee ragbaa u heesaaya oo waxaa maalin kasta warbaahinta ku jira eedo uga imanaaya isla xubno maamulkiisa ka tirsan.

Qof kasta oo xilka loo dhiibo, mid dal iyo mid xisbiba, haddaan mas'uuliinta kale la shaqayn,oo daacadnimo iyo hagrasho la'aan leysu barbartaagin, laguma farxo guusha uu keeno. Ma aha inta qofka xilka loo dhiibo, loo durbaan tumo, haddana hawsha keligii lagu daayo. Far qudhi fool ma dhaqdo, wado-shaqayntu waxay waxay miisaan gaar u leedahay marka xisbigu yahay mucaarid , oo dal Afrika ah ka jira, aan helin taageero dawladeed, bal se dawladdu awooddeeda iyo hantida qaranka kula dagaalayso. Waxa u hiil ah waa tabaruca maskaxeed iyo tan adduunyo ee xubnahiisa. Itaalka dhaqaale ee dadweynahana weynu ognahay. Waxa halkan laga dareemi karaa xilka gaarka ah ee saran inteena qurbojooga ah. Miyeyna ahayn in xilkaa si gaar ah qurbojoogu u qaato, inaynu seeska u aasno xisbiga, u dhisno hab-maamul oo taabogal ah, dhinac hawlgelin iyo mid dhaqaaleba.

Ha noqon nin gacmahu u laaban yihiin, oo la taagan dhaliil oon. Adigu is weydii waajibkaagii ma ka soo baxday. Intee wax aad qaban lahayd kaa baaqday, yaad canaananaysaa haddaad ahayd Gudiga Fulinta, haddaad ahyd Golaha Dhexe, haddaad ahyd Guddiga Laamaha. Xisbigu ma qofbaa leh, ma shaqaale ayuu leeyahay. Haddaad waajibaadkaaga ka soo baxday ood cid gooni ah u aragto inay hagratay, waa banaantay inaad keento ood ka dodo. Haddii se qof waliba eedda iska riixo, oo aynu la mid noqono sida Wasiirada Riyaale, ee laga sheego dhaliisha oo ay dhammaan ku riixaan dhinaca Madaxtooyada. Taasi waxay keentaa niyad jab iyo cuqdad aan laga doogsan. Waxa loo baahan yahay dhaliil ku dhisan run, ka bilaabanta naftaada, wadata toosin, dulqaadna u leh inay dhegeysato darafka kale.

Aan si fudud oo dul xaadis ah u muujiyo, waxyaabaha guusha maamul nooc kasta ha noqdee cilmi ahaan la ogaaday inay muhiim yihiin ku dhaqankoodu, anigoo inta aan dhaqan ahaan iyo dal ahaanba is leeyahay wey ugu mudan yihiin soo qaatay.

  1. Qofkaad qiimeynayso, wanaagiisa ka horeysii, qaladkiisa.
  2. Qaladka qofka si dadban u sheeg, una caddee in aadmigu qaldamo balse lagu kala badiyo sida qof waliba qaladkiisa uga faa'ideysto.
  3. Qofka hawshu isku keen xidho, horeysii qaladkaaga intaadan kiisa sheegin
  4. Amar mutaxan ha bixin, ee dalabkaaga hab su'aalo ah u dhig.
  5. Dhegeysiga badi. Kolka qofkaad la doodaysaa hadlaayo, labada dhegoodba u fur. Maskaxdaada, maankaaga iyo jidhkaaguba ha dhuuxaan hadalka qofka kaa soo horjeeda, nuxurka weedhihiisa qiimee, oo caadifadda iyo cuqdad aad ka qabtay ha ku fiirin.
  6. Ammaanta qof leeyahy ha ku masuugin, tan kooxi leedayna sidoo kale. U bushaaree waxii fiican, waxii xuna ka tacsiyadee mid shaqo iyo mid shakhsiba.
  7. Fikradaada gasho dadka, kana dhig mid aan adiga keli kaa soo bixin.Cidda kula fikradda noqota, ka yeel inay fikirka laftiisa kula unkeen. Waxayga ku bedel waxayna.
  8. Qofka kale duruufahiisa ogow, iyo siday saamayn ugu leedahay fikirkiisu
  9. Noqo qof hadal kooban oo dhegeysi badan. Ha boobin hadalka, kuna bilow ereyo macaan, ladifan oo mudan ixtiraam dhinaca kale ah.
  10. Hadafkaagu ha ahado inaad adiga iyo kan kaa soo horjeedaaba guulaysataan. Ha noqon nin doonaaya inuu jabiyo walaalkii oo isagu keli guulaysto. Ogow taasi inay hadafkii weyne wiiqayso.

Sirta nolahu waa samir, is-qancin, dulqaad. Waxa kaba cadaalad aad adiga iyo walaalkaa u sinaantaan maamulka idinka dhexeeya. Waxa lagu gaadhaa run sheeg, daacadnimo, iyo wadajir. Waxa fashilka muftaax u ah danaysinimo, shaki, nafjecleysi, iyo dulqaad la'aan. Waxa fashilka kaba cadaalad darro iyo sharci aan loo sinayn. Waxa fashilka badhitaara been iyo jaahilnimo.

Aniga aan ku bedelno inaga iyo danta guud. Aan qiimeyno taariikhda qofka iyo tamarta uu geliyey xisbiga. Idinkama aqoon badni, ee taladaa halkaas ila martay.  Faylasuufkii weynaa ee Giriiga ahaa, lana odhan jiray Socrates, ayaa yidhi: " Waxa keliya ee aan aqaan, waa inaanan waxba aqoonin." Waxaan leeyahy waxaan ogahay inaan aqoon wax badani iga maqantay.

Dunidu waxay ku socotaa waa aqoon wadareed leysu geeyey, ninna keli waxba ma aha, qof walibana meel iyo arrin ayuu ku wacan yahay ee gacmaha is qabsada, is-aamina, Illaahayna talo saarta. Waa idinkoo shirka ku soo af jaray go,aankii guusha oo loo wado dhan yahay iyo awoodda oo leysugu geeyo guusha doorashooyinka. Insha Allah waxaan idinla joogi idinkuu go'aamadiina ku hawl galaaya doorashooyinka soo-socda.

Waa iga dardaaran ee hooy yaan la il-duufin, yaan tartanka gudahiina cadow idiin ilowsiin, ha noqonin labadii dibi ee qooqanaa, sida ay isu dilaayeena, iyagoo dhawac iyo daal carabka u soo tuuray, waraabuhu ku wishiriiyey raqdoodii, ha yeelanina indhihii duqanka, samirna ha ka noqonin goon, kibir iyo islaweyni yeyna awood beena idiin sawirin. Tusa ummadda Soomaliland inaydun isu habayseen hogaanka qaranaka, inaydun tihiin awood gobal kasta ka muuqata, soona jiidatay bulsha weynta degmo kasta oo dalkeen ka tirsan. Kiina camalka fudud soo dabra, kan degdegsan la gucleeya, kan gaabiska ah jiida, kan hurda toosiya, ka kaftanka badan la qosla, kan cadhada dhowna kaftanka ka dhowra. Go'a Kulmiye huwda oo dhaxanta iyo dabaysha ka dugsada.

Bir-tilmaameedka Kulmiye ha noqoto cadaalad bulsho, cadaalad maaamul, cadaalad waxbarasho, cadaalad ganacsi, cadaalad laan kasta oo dawladnimo taabata, ha noqdo magaca Kulmiye mid carabka bulshadu u duceeyo, mid noqda astaanta dhismaha dalka iyo dadka Soomaaliland.

REER KULMIYOW KAMARADA TAARIIKHDAA IDIN DUL SAARAN EE WAA WAXA NIN WALBA AY KA DUUBAA. U GUNTADA MASIIRKA UMMADDA.

SOOMAALILAANDEEY WAA KAA KULMIYE EE KADABAA DHAHA.


KULMIYE HA GUULAYSTO

SOOMAALILAND HA NOOLAATO



MAHAD ALLE IYO BARIIDO RASUUL,

Ahmed Arwo


04 September, 2014

Somaliland: The Next and Biggest East Africa's Commercial Hub


Somaliland: The Next and Biggest East Africa's Commercial Hub


Despite unmatched progress  past ties with Somalia continue to strangle Somaliland internationallyDespite unmatched progress past ties with Somalia continue to strangle Somaliland internationally
Somalilandsun - Somaliland is angling to become a trade and transit hub for East Africa, pouring millions of dollars into infrastructural development with the help of international financiers. But its plans are complicated by its ties to Somalia's capital city of Mogadishu. Continue reading
Though Somaliland has long functioned as a "de facto autonomous state," the international community nominally recognizes it as a territory of Somalia, which endured two decades of civil war, famine and poverty before implementing a new constitution and national government last year. Somaliland, a region with a population of 4 million located in Somalia's northwest (bordering Ethiopia and Djibouti), has long been petitioning for formal independence. Somaliland has its own government, constitution, currency and economic ambitions.
A newly reopened airport in Somaliland's capital city of Hargeisa is being touted by officials as a step in the right direction. Egal International Airport was badly damaged in the 1991 civil war with Mogadishu following Somaliland's self-declaration of independence, but a fresh round of refurbishments worth about $10 million began on 2012, mostly funded by Kuwait. Last month, the airport reopened amid great fanfare, and Hargeisa authorities are hoping to attract more international traffic to the facility. They're particularly focused on Ethiopian Airlines, Africa's fastest-growing carrier, whose central hub in Addis Ababa is about 365 miles (587 kilometers) away.
"Airports are the gateways to the country," Mohamud Hashi Abdi, Hargeisa's minister of civil aviation said, according to the Somaliland Sun. "How they are built and modernized can lead to economic growth as well as regional integration."
Somaliland already had a functioning airport at the port town of Berbera, which sits on the Gulf of Aden. Ethiopian Airlines begin operating daily flights there in July of last year. Somaliland authorities hope to convince carriers to include Hargeisa in their list of destinations, but more improvements may be necessary; pilots have complained that the runway is too short, and that shoddy perimeter fencing allows trespassers which could endanger landings and takeoffs.
The Somaliland Egal International airport based in Hargeisa has attained capabilities to handle alll gtypes of craftThe Somaliland Egal International airport based in Hargeisa has attained capabilities to handle alll gtypes of craft
As Hargeisa pursues its ambitious goals, Berbera, too, is undergoing some major changes. But the port city will have to contend with neighboring Djibouti, a tiny country dominated by its capital city of the same name, which has already carved a niche for itself as the gateway to the Horn of Africa. Situated at the nexus of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, which connects to the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean, Djibouti's bustling seaport serves as the primary import and export hub for landlocked Ethiopia, a fast-developing country of 93 million with a GDP of $43 billion last year, one of Africa's highest.
Somaliland hopes to tap into Ethiopia's relative wealth by turning Berbera into a similar hub. Some Ethiopian trade already flows through the city, and total revenues from the port generate up to 80 percent of Somaliland's annual budget, which is at an all-time high of $125 million this year. But the government is keen to rake in even more. The demand is there; maritime traffic often overwhelms the Djibouti port, as it does at nearby ports like Mombasa, Kenya and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
"The economic case for developing Somaliland is just mind-blowing -- [the] Berbera port is key," James McCue, of the Berbera Development company said, according to the Financial Times. McCue, a British citizen who also serves as an envoy for Somaliland independence, is working to find investors to build up Berbera's infrastructure on land and at sea.
For now, foreign investment is Somaliland's only hope for large-scale infrastructural development. Since it isn't formally recognized as an independent state, the territory can't receive direct aid from international donors. (Tens of millions of dollars do filter in annually to combat endemic poverty and food shortages, though the funds are administered by aid agencies and aren't recorded in government books.) Hargeisa is highly dependent on transport customs and domestic taxes, which many analysts argue has actually stabilized the region by keeping government authorities beholden to citizens and private businesses. Meanwhile, remittances from abroad have grown indispensable to citizens, since there are no commercial banks in Somaliland.
Offloading containers at the Port of Berbera/fileOffloading containers at the Port of Berbera/file
Somalia, on the other hand, has leaned heavily on foreign aid since its new government was installed last year. At a conference in Brussels this week, international donors pledged $2.4 billion to help fund reconstruction in the war-torn country.
Somaliland officials weren't in attendance. "We have declined to participate in a conference that fails to engage Somaliland as an equal partner and recognize the democratic choice of its people, and which wrongly gives the impression that the Government of Somalia has the right to make decisions about our territory," Ahmed Yusuf Elmi, spokesman for Somaliland's ministry of foreign affairs, said.
While the territory pursues its political independence, ongoing development at Berbera and Hargeisa shows that economic independence is already a reality. While Mogadishu struggles toward political stability, Somaliland already has a head start in its ambitious bid to become the Horn of Africa's next big commerce hub.
IBT

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

03 September, 2014

Mistrust of government spurs Ebola spread

Mistrust of government spurs Ebola spread

NAIROBI, 3 September 2014 (IRIN) - Decades of corruption, deep-rooted mistrust of government and weak public services in Liberia have hastened the spread of the Ebola virus, and much more needs to be done to bridge a communication gap between government and citizens, say civil society groups and analysts.

On 30 August, authorities lifted an enforced quarantine on the West Point area of Monrovia, 10 days after police officers sealed the slum, fuelling frustration and sparking clashes in which a 15-year-old boy was killed.

After the lifting of the cordon, West Point residents marched through Monrovia singing, in Liberian English, "West Point no Ebola! West Point come let go!"

"I'm happy to be free," West Point resident Boakai Passawe, a construction worker who was unable to work during the quarantine period, told IRIN. "But people are not going to forget what happened. I feel I was cheated of my work, of my life. When you have a child to take care of you don't just go away from them," he said of the government's handling of the quarantine.

Liberia may have a reputation as a post-conflict success story on the surface, but for years a quiet fever of discontent has been brewing. Civil society groups say the Ebola outbreak has pulled it to the surface and highlighted the government's inability to cope.

"This is a crisis of governance as much as it is a crisis of Ebola," Blair Glencorse, executive director of the Accountability Lab, an organization that empowers citizens to build creative tools for integrity and accountability in their communities, told IRIN.

"Capacity and accountability haven't been built within systems; not just healthcare systems, but financial management, education, and all the systems that allow the state to deal with crises," he said. "So when you have an emergency like this, it quickly indicates that the government doesn't have the trust of its people, it doesn't have the capacity and it doesn't have the tools it needs to handle such an outbreak.

By 26 August, Liberia's Ministry of Health had reported 1,471 cases of Ebola and 834 deaths, more than either Sierra Leone or Guinea. All three countries have similarly fragile healthcare systems, but in Liberia, a long history of mismanagement, exclusion and poor communication strategies have fuelled discontent among Liberians that the administration of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, in power since 2005, has not been able to shake.

"Responding to an Ebola outbreak would challenge any country, but the ferocity with which Ebola has struck Liberia has been intensified by several factors, notably a weak health network. and the cross-border nature of social relations," Corrine Dufka, associate West Africa director for Human Rights Watch (HRW), told IRIN.

There has been some progress, said Dufka. "President Sirleaf and her government inherited a country with a profoundly devastated infrastructure, economy and institutions, and they have made considerable progress on a number of fronts."

"That said, the government and their partners were slow to address the key factor underscoring Liberia's history: endemic corruption," Dufka added. "The government's considerable rhetorical attention to the scourge has not been matched by a well-resourced and aggressive anti-corruption institution and support for the judiciary, which meant the same patterns of embezzlement and corruption have been able to persist."

Within this context, many Liberians have been slow to trust accurate messages from the Ministry of Health about the nature of Ebola and the ways in which it can spread. Many people feared that Ebola could be a hoax. Others circulated rumours that the virus might be a ploy to net officials funding from international donors.

"Lies, mismanagement and misinformation"

"People trust each other more than government," Liberian student Saki Golafale told IRIN. "For a long time people have harboured an idea of what government is. There are perceptions of lies, mismanagement and misinformation. Governments past and present have not stood strong enough to reverse those ugly thoughts that citizens have about them," he said.

Some international media reports have cast Liberians as uneducated or ignorant rumour-mongers. But Susan Shepler, an associate professor at American University and a specialist on education and conflict in Sierra Leone and Liberia, said it is easy to understand why many Liberians tend to doubt government information.

"People are not acting out of ignorance, they're acting out of experience," she told IRIN. "In Liberia people have historically used community information and rumours as a way of getting information at times when they weren't sure whether to trust the government," she said.

"Information was vital during Liberia's conflict but official sources were often so unreliable that people relied on informal networks instead," Shepler added. "At times the media and authorities reported one thing and the rumour network said something else, and it turned out that the rumours were right."

As the Ebola crisis escalates throughout West Africa, the Sirleaf administration is now faced with plugging an information gap that grew from such a legacy.

Establishing stronger channels of communication is vital, say observers. But Russell Geekie, chief of public information for the UN Mission to Liberia (UNMIL), said the nature of Ebola has made many communication methods difficult.

"The United Nations Mission to Liberia [UNMIL] is using all of its considerable public information capabilities to support the government-led response and prevention efforts," he said. "But we cannot hold soccer matches or other events that draw large crowds. Attendance at video clubs has dwindled. This is a reason that radio is so critical; our station regularly features UN officials, government ministers and health workers in the field to dispel rumours and explain policies such as the quarantines of communities."

Key role for youth groups

And in Monrovia, youth groups are emerging at the forefront of efforts to spread accurate information about the spread of Ebola.

Pandora Hodge is the national coordinator for Kriterion, a student-run independent art-house cinema group that is calling for greater Ebola awareness. Its members are going door-to-door in Monrovia communities such as Sinkor, Clara Town and Bensonville, distributing materials and information they hope will empower people to curb the spread of the virus.

"People trust our members once they tell them that they are students and that they're not getting paid for this," Hodge told IRIN. "The student volunteers knock on every door and explain to people that they are doing this because the schools and universities are closed and they want to help, not to make money. And then people start to listen," she said.

"The difficulty is that people have been taking this virus to be a joke. So it's been happening right in front of their faces and they cannot do anything about it," she added. "They don't trust the government but they trust us, so we explain to them that if they do everything to avoid the virus, they will not have to go to hospital."

Historically in Liberia, many young people have said they feel excluded and lack a stake in the system.

During Liberia's 2012 presidential election that saw Johnson-Sirleaf elected for a second term, a sense of exclusions was rife, particularly among young supporters of the main opposition party, who clashed with police, leaving several people dead.

The government vowed to focus on programmes to help youths, but many people feel that little has been done. "Youth versus the rest is the real political cleavage in Liberia," Shepler said.

Titus Davis, the manager of NGO Equipping Leaders International, runs a programme that sends young graduates and pastors into communities to help plug the information gap.

"Our graduates and pastors are helping people who are frustrated, desperate and hopeless," he said. "When we visit communities, people trust our team because we are pastors and teachers carrying messages of hope, not just health education. Social action can really help."

Accountability Lab's Glencorse said the Ebola outbreak is allowing young people to usher in positive change and forge the building blocks that could lead to a stronger civil society.

"There's only so much the government is able to do, and that's become clear during this outbreak," he said. "But this crisis could be a way for some youth groups to serve their communities and build the trust that's missing."

A collaborative effort from government, international stakeholders and youth and civil society groups as this outbreak continues could help to rebuild eroded trust and repair the social exclusion that many Liberians feel has been a permanent presence in the country for decades.

HRW's Dufka said that despite structural weakness and capacity constraints, the government now has an opportunity to connect with citizens.

"The government, and, importantly, Liberia's legislature, should use the Ebola epidemic to make governance gains by improving lines of communication, ensuring the transparent use of funds and accepting a zero tolerance policy on security force abuses."

kt/aj/cb


[END]

Steven Sotloff: US journalist murdered by IS

Steven Sotloff: US journalist murdered by IS


Steven Sotloff was described as an honest and courageous journalist

Steven Sotloff is the second American journalist the jihadist group Islamic State (IS) has killed.

In a video published on 2 September, which has been confirmed as authentic by the US authorities, Mr Sotloff was shown dressed in an orange smock, his hands tied behind his back, kneeling in front of a masked figure holding a knife. He was then beheaded.

IS had threatened to kill Mr Sotloff at the end of a video released last month showing fellow American journalist James Foley being murdered.

US President Barack Obama denounced Mr Sotloff's murder as "a horrific act of violence" and insisted that the he would not be intimidated by IS.

"Whatever these murderers think they will achieve by killing innocent Americans like Steven, they have already failed," he said.

'Stand-up philosopher'

Mr Sotloff, 31, was abducted in northern Syria a year ago.

He is thought to have been kidnapped near the city of Aleppo, and to have been held in the IS stronghold of Raqqa.

Reports suggest his family initially did not publicly confirm his abduction because of official advice that no publicity would improve his chances of release.

The freelance journalist wrote for several publications, including Time magazine, Foreign Policy, the Christian Science Monitor and World Affairs Journal. He reported from countries including Egypt, Libya and Syria.

On his Twitter account, which has been inactive since 3 August 2013, Mr Sotloff described himself as a "stand-up philosopher from Miami".

He tweeted about current affairs in Syria, Libya, Egypt and Turkey - but also about his love for the Miami Heat basketball team.

'What he loved'

Mr Sotloff was Jewish and held dual US-Israeli citizenship. His mother Shirley is the daughter of Holocaust survivors, and he attended a Jewish school in Miami.

He later studied journalism at the University of Central Florida, where he also wrote for the student magazine.

Mr Sotloff developed a profound interest in and affection for the Middle East and its culture, travelling to Yemen to study Arabic.

According to an unnamed former hostage, Mr Sotloff hid his Jewish identity from his captors and even managed to fast on the Day of Atonement - the holiest day in the Jewish calendar.

Speaking to the Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronot, the unnamed former hostage said that Mr Sotloff "...told [his captors] that he was sick and didn't want to eat, even though they served us eggs that day".

Laura Kasinof of the New York Times tweeted: "Sotloff was brave and loved the Middle East and its people. Always hung out with Yemenis more than foreigners."
Mr Sotloff visited Bahrain in 2010, months before mass pro-democracy protests erupted

His friend Emerson Lotzia told the student magazine that journalism was "what he loved to do".

"Steve said it was scary over there. It was dangerous. It wasn't safe to be over there. He knew it. He kept going back," he said.

His articles also revealed his determination to report from the field, despite the potential risks.

In a 2013 report from Egypt, Mr Sotloff described his visit to a Muslim Brotherhood protest camp, despite his Egyptian friend's warning that he would be in danger there.

"After an hour of fruitless conversation over endless glasses of sweet tea, I rose, shook Ahmad's hand, and headed straight to the lair where he believed I would be devoured," he wrote.

'Thoughtful journalist'

He often focused on the human side of the conflict, writing about the plight of displaced civilians in Syria struggling without adequate food or shelter in early 2013.


In a report for Syria Deeply, Steven Sotloff wrote about the struggle of ordinary Syrians in the stricken city of Aleppo, and their increasing disillusion with the Western-backed rebel alliance, the Free Syrian Army (FSA):

"'These guys will do anything to win, even if it means destroying our youth,' says grocer Anwar Khuli, 51, throwing a disdainful look at a group of fighters buying munchkin size cups of coffee at a cafe nearby. 'They have already destroyed our country.'

"Sentiments like these reflect the disappointment that many of Aleppo's residents harbour towards a group that held so much promise for them when it first emerged.

"With each passing day, they say, their hopes are dashed by the reality that the FSA is a seriously flawed organisation. And with every gaffe and abuse, the lustre of Assad's tainted regime grows brighter."


Mr Sotloff also reported from Libya in 2012, reconstructing what happened the night the US consulate in Benghazi was attacked.
Mr Sotloff reported from countries including Egypt, Libya and Syria

He argued that any US action following the attack should be done carefully, telling Fox News: "The Libyans are very grateful to the Americans for what they did last year during the revolution... it's really important it stays that way because Libya can be a very strong ally in the future."

Ann Marlowe, a writer who said she knew Mr Sotloff from his work in Libya, said that he "lived in Yemen for years, spoke good Arabic, deeply loved (the) Islamic world".

In a statement, World Affairs Journal described him as "an honest and thoughtful journalist" who tried "to understand the story from local perspectives".

It said he sought to "report his findings straightforwardly" and was "certainly courageous".










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Saudi prince robbed in France was Abdul-Aziz Bin Fahd


Saudi prince robbed in France was Abdul-Aziz Bin Fahd
Abdul-Aziz Bin Fahd
'On Sunday night, a group of between five and eight armed thieves stopped his convoy, which consisted of 10 cars, and stole €250,000 in addition to documents.'
French police sources said that the Saudi prince, who was robbed on Monday, was Abdul-Aziz Bin Fahd, known as "playful".
The prince is the youngest son of the late Saudi King Fahd Bin Abdul-Aziz, who passed away in August 2005. On Sunday night, a group of between five and eight armed thieves stopped his convoy, which consisted of 10 cars, and stole €250,000 in addition to documents.
Initial probes indicated that one of the armed thieves could be very close to the prince.
A source close to the investigations said: "Surely, there are people close to the prince who must be complicit with the thieves in order to know all details. This is clear. They chose the site of the incident after deliberate study."
The convoy of the prince left George V Hotel, one of the most luxurious hotels in France owned by the Saudi billionaire Walid Bin Talal, and headed to Le Bourget Airport, 15 kilometres north of Paris.
The Saudi embassy in Paris said that the car, which was stolen, did not belong to it.



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