Time for constructive disengagement?Time for constructive disengagement?

Time for constructive disengagement?

Jul 23rd 2010, 12:44 by C.H. | LONDON

THE launch in London of the Council of Foreign Relations’ new report on Somalia this week revisited similar ground to The Economist’s recent debate on Somalia. Then, Bronwyn Bruton, the report’s author, argued forcefully against the motion that “foreigners should intervene in Somalia”, but narrowly lost the debate. Since then,events in Uganda have sharpened a sense of urgency. 

At Chatham House, Ms Bruton outlined the report’s central premise of “constructive disengagement”—simplifying viciously, that America should “recognise its limitations”, give up the idea of state-building in Somalia, and instead back Somali-led development initiatives, with only very limited and very careful counter-terrorism initiatives. This would contrast with 2006, when it missed an opportunity to engage with Islamist forces ascendant in Mogadishu, and instead backed a brutal Ethiopian invasion, which in turn alienated Somalis and strengthened the Shabab and other extremist groups.

Most controversially, she makes the case for including Islamist forces in any dialogue, whatever the sense of distaste. Her respondent, Abdirisak Aden, who once served in Somalia’s weak transitional federal government, agreed that the international, particularly the American, approach to Somalia had been a mess up to now. However, he maintained that the solution was an extension of American “soft power,” namely economic assistance, and—the key difference with Ms Bruton—the strengthening of a Somali central state, rather than disengagement.  

He was sceptical about the idea of including Islamist groups in dialogue, since the Shabab’s goal was “global jihad”. But this was not something Ms Bruton was arguing for either—her dialogue calls were restricted to more moderate Islamists. What is striking is that—as in our debate—there are many areas of agreement in the endless discussion about what to do about Somalia. Most agree, for example, about the need for Somali-forged solutions and that the notion that foreign forces can simply impose their will by force is misguided. Foreign interference is the one thing Somalis, who don’t agree on much, tend to dislike most intensely (85% of those who have died in fighting between African Union troops in Somalia and Shabab forces have been civilians was one of the more startling points made by Ms Bruton).

Ms Bruton’s report is an important contribution. Its explicit statement that the world—particularly America—has got things wrong in Somalia should rightly focus minds in Washington. But nor does she advocate total disengagement. This is no cynical suggestion that the world should simply abandon Somalia except in terms of addressing the external threat it poses. Rather, it is a powerful argument for what has always seemed the most workable solution—a recognition that idea of the state as we understand it simply does not fit in Somalia, that Somali-driven solutions should be fostered, and that the international community should contribute in these terms, rather than doing harm.

Of course, advocating solutions and implementing them are two different things. But a sense of political will, and some realisation of realities—such as the possibility of Islamist elements that can be worked with—would be a promising start.

 

U.S., NATO Allies Prepare New Invasion Of Somalia

The 15th biennial African Union summit in Kampala, Uganda ended on July 27 with mixed results regarding support for U.S. and Western European plans to escalate foreign military intervention in nearby Somalia. The 35 heads of state present at the three-day meeting were reported to have authorized the deployment of 2,000 more African troops to back up the beleaguered Western-backed Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Mogadishu and to bring the full complement of forces doing so to 8,000, but the new contingent will probably consist solely of troops from Uganda and Burundi, which supply the approximately 6,000 already serving with the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Reports of another 2,000 reinforcements from Djibouti and Guinea are problematic and their deployment remains to be seen, not that pressure will not be exerted on those two nations and others from outside the continent. AMISOM is the successor to the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) Peace Support Mission in Somalia (IGASOM) set up in 2005 by the six-member group which includes Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda and which also was to have provided 8,000 troops for deployment to Somalia. The 53 members of the African Union except for Uganda and Burundi have been loath to commit military units to intervene in fighting in Somalia, whether against the Islamic Courts Union five years ago or against al-Shabaab insurgents currently. In late 2006 U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice met with Ugandan Foreign Minister Sam Kutesa to plan the earlier IGASOM operation and in January of 2007 Uganda pledged its first troops which, along with those included in a reported offer by Nigeria, were to total 8,000. Three and a half years later, there are only 6,000 foreign troops in Somalia (now under AMISOM, the only difference being the acronym now employed) and all of those from Uganda and Burundi, both nations U.S. military clients and surrogates. The African Union (AU) initially approved AMISOM on January 19, 2007 and granted it a six-month mandate. In July of 2010 the real prime movers behind the mission, the U.S. and its NATO allies in the European Union, are pushing for an escalation of armed intervention in Somalia with more Western-trained Ugandan troops conducting open combat operations: Changing the mandate from, to use the terms employed to mask military aggression, peacekeeping to peace enforcement. The first attempt by the U.S. and its non-African allies to enforce a compliant government in the Horn of Africa nation, Ethiopia's invasion in December of 2006, was assisted by the Pentagon's Joint Special Operations Command (headed up by now retired General Stanley McChrystal until early in 2006), which conducted military operations inside Somalia no later than the beginning of the next year. At the time Ethiopia was the second largest recipient of U.S. military aid in Africa (another of the three countries bordering Somalia, Djibouti, being the first) and American military personnel were stationed in the country. Logistical and other assistance was provided by the Pentagon for the operation. On the sidelines of the recently concluded African Union summit U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Johnnie Carson "gathered the presidents of Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Djibouti and Uganda, along with the prime minister of Ethiopia for a closed-door session" to push for more aggressive military operations in Somalia. The State Department official was quoted as saying, "We came away even more united and committed to work together strengthen the TFG, to help strengthen AMISOM, to help strengthen the forces for stability in Somalia and to help do as much as we can to help beat al-Shabab. Al-Shabab represents a foreign and a negative influence that cannot only be destructive inside Somalia, but across the entire region." [1] Note the opprobrium attached to the word foreign. With what Carson called "a wake-up call not only for the region but for Africa as a whole" [2] sounded by deadly bombings in the Ugandan capital on July 11, more foreign troops armed, trained, and airlifted by great powers in North America and Europe are destined for deployment to Somalia. Officials from the European Union and from Britain and France – the two main historical colonial masters on the African continent – were present at the meeting with Carson and America's East African proxies. [3] A Voice of America report on the closed-door meeting reminded readers that "The European Union, the United Nations and the United States are the main financial contributors to the African Union's AMISOM peacekeeping force in Somalia." [4] The arm-twisting produced few results. Despite claims by the chairman of the African Union Commission, Gabon's Jean Ping, that troops from Djibouti and Guinea (Conakry) would join AMISOM/IGAD forces from Uganda and Burundi, the additional troops will almost surely come entirely from the last two nations. Also, the nearly three dozen heads of state at the AU summit rejected the Ugandan (and Western) demand for a "peace enforcement" rules of engagement mandate. The current chairman of the AU, president of Malawi Bingu wa Mutharika, told reporters, "There have been calls for a change in the mandate to a more robust approach to the insurgent attacks in Somalia by Uganda and Burundi, to go beyond Mogadishu, (which is) their current limit, but (we) did not decide on that." Ping, however, indicated that the U.S. and NATO allies have not abandoned plans for intensified military operations in Somalia, stating, "We need equipment to match with the change in combat approach. We need helicopters for that. The United States and the U.K. are considering our request…." [5] He also mentioned that France could provide additional helicopters. Even the Attorney General of the U.S., Eric Holder, attended the AU summit as the Obama administration's representative and saw fit to impose his opinions on the 53-nation organization. Before the summit began he met with several of the continent's heads of state and in prepared remarks to the summit affirmed that "The United States…recognizes that ending the threat of al-Shabaab to the world will take more than just law enforcement. That is why we are working closely with the AU to support the African Union's Mission in Somalia. The United States applauds the heroic contributions that are being made on a daily basis by Ugandan and Burundian troops, and we pledge to maintain our support for the AU and the AU Mission in Somalia." [6] Lightly-armed al-Shabaab militants have now been elevated by Washington to the status of a threat to the world, though Holder's colleague Carson limited his hyperbole to branding them a "negative influence…across the entire region." The dual bombings in Kampala, incidentally, have been attributed to the group as a warning sign to Uganda to remove (and certainly not to increase) its troops in Somalia, but in fact appear like a provocation designed to accomplish the opposite result. Four days before the AU summit commenced, the defense chiefs of the six Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) nations – Uganda, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia and Sudan – met to discuss boosting troop deployments to Somalia. Weeks before IGAD had recommended that not the earlier cited figure of 8,000 but fully 20,000 foreign troops could be deployed to Somalia in yet another attempt to salvage the Transitional Federal Government, which doesn't even control much of the country's capital despite 6,000 Ugandan and Burundian troops serving as its army. 20,000 foreign troops entering Somalia in the face of overwhelming popular opposition is not a peacekeeping mission. It is an invasion. In mid-July Ugandan officials announced that their nation's neighbors in IGAD and in the Eastern Africa Standby Brigade (EASBRIG) – Burundi, Comoros, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan, Seychelles, Somalia and Uganda – had given "soft support" should Uganda "go on the offensive in Somalia." "Ugandan officials now confirm that Kampala is pursuing a two-track strategy that could see it follow Al Shabaab into Somalia with or without UN Security Council consent." A news report disclosed that the Yoweri Museveni administration is prepared to mobilize the entirety of the 20,000 troops needed for a full-scale invasion of Somalia and "military sources say Uganda feels it has the capacity to go it alone in Somalia and has been building up its military strength for such an eventuality." [7] The nation's air force has acquired "additions to its arsenal in recent weeks" from its Western patrons "in what observers see as a concerted push to increase Uganda's military capability." Last week a Defence Ministry spokesman stated, "We are one of the most efficient armies in Africa. We can defend our country from anywhere, even within Somalia." The spokesman, Lieutenant-Colonel Felix Kulaigye, added, "Anybody who brings war to us, we take back that war to them. We shall pursue Al Shabaab from Somalia in line with the wishes of the Transitional Federal Government." [8] During the last invasion and occupation of Somalia, that of Ethiopia from December of 2006 to January of 2009, fighting between a similar invading force of 20,000 troops and Somali militias resulted in the deaths of over 16,000 civilians and the displacement of hundreds of thousands in the capital in 2007 alone according to the Mogadishu-based Elman Peace and Human Rights Organisation. The AMISOM mandate (approved by the AU but, as seen above, with no backing by member states except for Uganda and Burundi) excludes the deployment of troops from nations bordering Somalia – Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya. Ugandan military forces and equipment have to cross Kenya to reach the country; that is, to be airlifted by United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization into parts of the Somali capital not under the control of rebels. The Ugandan government, largely rebuffed at the AU summit, is pushing for the maiden deployment of the 10-nation Eastern Africa Standby Brigade (Eastern African Standby Brigade Coordination Mechanism) to Somalia, which would appreciably broaden the scope of the conflict. In addition, it is planning to use forums like the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) – whose members are Angola, Burundi, the Central African Republic, the Republic of Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan, Uganda, Tanzania and Zambia – "which already has provisions that offer some room for intervention." "Somalia has already applied to be a member; once that request is approved, Uganda will be able to work together with the Transitional Federal Government and fight Al Shabaab under the legal framework that governs the organisation." [9] On July 20 the head of AFRICOM, General William Ward, addressed the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. and pledged that the U.S. will "provide more training, transportation, and logistical aid to the AU mission, known as AMISOM." Also, "In a briefing to reporters last week, a senior Obama administration official said the U.S. wants to 'build up the capabilities' of AMISOM and the [Somali transitional] government." [10] In late April Brigadier General Silver Kayemba, in charge of training and operations for the Ugandan People's Defense Force (UPDF), was in the U.S. and visited the headquarters of U.S. Army Africa, the Pentagon, the National Defense University and a Marine Corps base. Kayemba, who was also trained in the U.S., said, "This visit strengthens our relationship with the U.S. Armed Forces, particularly with U.S. Army Africa. We are looking forward to even closer cooperation in the future." [11] Last month officers of the U.S. 17th Air Force, the air component of AFRICOM (Air Forces Africa) headquartered at the Ramstein Air Base in Germany, traveled to Uganda for what was described as "a senior leader engagement event….to discuss current and future engagement activities between Ugandan People's Defence Force, Ugandan People's Defence Air Force and Air Forces Africa." The head of the U.S. delegation, Brigadier General Michael Callan, toured the airfield and logistics hangars at the Entebbe Air Force Base and "met with a representative of the U.S. State Department-contracted Dyncorp…which supports the UPDF [Ugandan People's Defence Force] with aerial resupply and troop movements of Ugandan, Burundian, and Somali forces in and out of Mogadishu…." DynCorp International is a private military company that receives almost all of its $2 billion in annual contracts from the U.S. federal government. General Callan stated, "Uganda is one of only two countries supporting the UN's AMISOM mission currently. Though the airlift is contracted, it is good to have the understanding of those ground-based missions and capabilities of the UPDF as we pursue future air force and joint initiatives." The Defense and Army Attaché at the American embassy in Kampala added, "We've been working with their army forces for some time, providing great training opportunities through the Department of State-funded International Military Education and Training, or IMET program and multi-national peacekeeping operations. Now they would like for us to do that with their air forces." [12] Both U.S. military officials stressed the Pentagon's role in upgrading Uganda's air force for future operations. "17th Air Force brings focus to those much needed air force activities," as military attaché Army Lieutenant General Gregory Joachim stated. [13] In developing bilateral and regional collective military partnerships with most every nation in Africa through AFRICOM, the U.S. works closely with its allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This March "Senior figures from the US military's Africa Command were in Brussels…looking to build cooperation with the European Union to boost training and reform for African security forces…." [14] The Pentagon has between 2,500-3,000 troops from all four major branches of the military assigned to the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa stationed in Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti, Somalia's neighbor to the north. France has its largest overseas military base and 3,000 troops in the same small nation. Several hundred troops from Britain, Germany, the Netherlands and Spain have also been deployed there under NATO auspices since the beginning of the decade. The U.S. has used its airfield in Djibouti for attacks in Somalia and Yemen. Last year the Pentagon secured its second major installation in the area, in the Indian Ocean nation of Seychelles, where it has deployed over 130 troops, Reaper unmanned aerial vehicles (drones) and three P-3 Orion anti-submarine and maritime surveillance aircraft. In addition to the U.S.-led multinational Combined Task Force 150 and Combined Task Force 151 naval deployments off the shores of Somalia (with logistical facilities in Djibouti), NATO and the European Union are running complementary naval operations, Operation Ocean Shield and European Union Naval Force (EU NAVFOR) Somalia – Operation Atalanta, respectively. This March NATO announced it was extending its deployment for another – unprecedented – three years, until the end of 2012. Last month the Netherlands "agreed to a NATO request to deploy a submarine off the coast of Somalia…." [15] In June the EU followed NATO's lead when its foreign ministers agreed to prolong Operation Atalanta until December of 2012. An EU press release at the time revealed the broader Western strategy in the Horn of Africa region, one by no means limited to "combating piracy": "The root causes of piracy in East Africa lie on land. To address them, the current naval operation is combined with the EU training mission for Somalia (EUTM), which contributes to the strengthening of the Somali security forces." [16] In fact the EU is training Somali soldiers in Uganda for war in their homeland and NATO is transporting Ugandan and Burundian troops for the same purpose. A NATO website feature disclosed in March that "the USA has conducted airlift missions under the NATO banner in support of…Ugandan troop rotations. The airlift, which commenced on 5 Mar 2010 and was completed on 16 Mar 2010, was undertaken by USA contracted DynCorp International, transporting 1700 Ugandan troops from Uganda into Mogadishu and re-deploying 850 Ugandan troops out of Mogadishu. "Part of this policy is the NATO standing agreement to provide strategic sealift and airlift support for African Union Troop Contributing Countries willing to deploy to Somalia, recently extended by NATO until 31 January 2011." [17] With the deployment of the NATO Response Force Maritime Groups 1 and 2 off the coast of Somalia, first with Operation Allied Provider and since last August with Operation Ocean Shield, the Western military bloc has extended its nearly nine-year-old Operation Active Endeavor naval surveillance and interdiction mission throughout the entire Mediterranean Sea into the Gulf of Aden to the Arabian Sea and the Persian Gulf. The current commander of Ocean Shield, Dutch Commodore Michiel Hijmans, held a meeting on board the NATO mission's flagship on July 12 with leaders of Somalia's semi-independent Puntland region, which has become a land-based component of NATO operations in the Horn of Africa. According to the bloc, "The purpose of the talks was to build on the existing and growing relationship that has developed between NATO and the Puntland authorities." [18] Several days later the NATO flotilla docked in Dubai in the United Arab Emirates where Commodore Hijmans broached the subject of "chasing Somali pirates" into the Red Sea, an area not yet covered by the Ocean Shield mandate. NATO warships in the Red Sea would place them off the coasts of Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Djibouti, Jordan and Israel and connect NATO naval operations through the Suez Canal to Active Endeavor in the Mediterranean. Early this month the French military attaché to Somalia said that the "government of the Republic of France has asked Uganda and other African nations to send more troops to war torn Somalia," and urged "more African states to send troops to Somalia…." [19] France will be instrumental in pressuring Djibouti and Guinea to send troops to Somalia, as both countries are former French colonies and Djibouti is a member of the French Community. France is among several EU states that have sent troops to Uganda to train 2,000 Somali soldiers for fighting at home. The others are Spain (which is in charge), Britain, Germany, Italy, Greece, Hungary, Belgium, Portugal, Luxembourg, Sweden, Finland, Ireland, Malta and Cyprus. A NATO operation in all but name. German troops deployed in May are to "remain in East Africa for a year." [20] According to the Christian Science Monitor, "Money for logistical support is coming from the United States, which has reportedly already pumped millions of dollars into similar smaller training programs run by local militaries in Uganda and Djibouti over the past 18 months. "The EU program to train an army to fight for Somalia's beleaguered transitional government involves 150 instructors from 14 EU countries at a cost of $6 million." The featured cited above also provided the following background information: "Since 2004, the US has poured huge resources into initiatives such as Easbrig [Eastern Africa Standby Brigade], using private contractors and military advisers to train almost 60,000 African soldiers such as…Rwandans….Africom has also trained Congolese special forces to operate in the country's mineral-rich forests and reformed virtually the entire Liberian national army. Easbrig is an example of what Secretary of State Hillary Clinton calls 'smart power' – a mixture of military might and nation-building that bears a resemblance to Rumsfeld's concept of the 'long war'….Several critics have likened Africom to a Trojan horse, using the cover of humanitarian aid to pursue America's real strategic interests." [21] EASBRIG is expected to grow to several thousand troops from as many as 14 nations. One of the main missions of AFRICOM is create, train and deploy regional military forces to further U.S. and general Western objectives in Africa, the world's second most populous continent. Somalia is the first test case. 1) Voice of America News, July 26, 2010 2) CNN, July 27, 2010 3) Voice of America News, July 26, 2010 4) Ibid 5) CNN, July 27, 2010 6) United States Department of Justice, July 25, 2010 7) The East African, July 19, 2010 Ibid 9) Ibid 10) Voice of America News, July 20, 2010 11) United States Africa Command, April 30, 2010 12) U.S. Air Forces in Europe, June 2, 2010 13) Ibid 14) Europolitics, March 5, 2010 15) BBC News, June 22, 2010 16) Defense News, June 15, 2010 17) North Atlantic Treaty Organization Allied Command Operations March 18, 2010 18) North Atlantic Treaty Organization Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe July 13, 2010 19) Uganda Government News, July 9, 2010 20) Associated Press, March 31, 2010 21) Christian Science Monitor, June 18, 2010

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UNHCR concerned about deportations to Mogadishu as fighting continues

Source: UNHCR UNHCR condemns continuing violence in Somalia, saying that dozens of Somali civilians had been killed and scores wounded in this week's escalation.

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World Focus: Surrender to al-Shabaab may be first step to victory for Somalia

World Focus: Surrender to al-Shabaab may be first step to victory for Somalia

 

The government has no authority and exists only in embassies and summit rooms out of the country

By Daniel Howden

Friday, 30 July 2010

Whatever its failings the transitional government in Mogadishu has to be preferable to an absolute takeover of Somalia by the radical Islamists of al-Shabaab. This has been the red line that cannot be crossed in international thinking about the devastated Horn of Africa nation.

It was reflected in the decision this week by African Union (AU) leaders to bolster the peacekeeping force in response to bombings by al-Shabaab in Uganda.

The AU, whose Ugandan and Burundian peacekeepers are all that prevents al-Shabaab from defeating the government, could not back down in the face of Islamic terrorism and withdraw its troops.

Instead the strategy is to increase the AU peacekeeping force to more than 10,000 and push back against al-Shabaab to create space for the government to govern.

Despite the predictable tough stance at the African leaders' summit, and increased financial support from the US, there is mounting scepticism about whether the red line is still worth defending.

First some harsh truths. There is no peace to keep in Somalia. The current incarnation of the transitional government has failed. All foreign intervention in the last 20 years has made the situation worse.

Al-Shabaab controls most of south and central Somalia with the foreign-backed government hemmed into a few streets of the capital, where it is attacked daily – there is no truce to defend.

The government of former geography teacher Shaik Sharif Shaik Ahmed has not delivered on coherent government; on basic services; on building security services; or on alliances with other factions. His government has not acted as a rallying point for Somalis and has instead barricaded itself into the presidential palace where it has indulged in wasteful infighting.

The last time Somalia had a functioning central government was a dictatorship which fell in 1991. After that, a disastrous small-scale US intervention against competing warlords ended in ignominy with dead US soldiers trailed through Mogadishu. The larger UN mission that followed was also a failure.

The even more calamitous Ethiopian invasion in 2006, backed by Washington, created al-Shabaab. In each case the presence of foreign forces has served to galvanise Somalia's warring factions and helped to radicalise a country with no history of Islamic extremism.

Now the battered AU force of 6,000 – whose shelling of residential areas in Mogadishu in response to insurgent attacks has made it unpopular – will be reinforced. The strategy is not bankrupt, its backers say, as a tougher approach will give the government a chance to turn the situation around.

Another approach, that of "constructive disengagement" is being called for more loudly than before.

In this scenario the AU would stage a phased withdrawal and the failed government would fall. Al-Shabaab would declare victory. Rather than spawning an "al-Qa'ida state" this would be a hollow victory for the Islamists who would be submerged in their own divisions and vulnerable to collapse.

What this strategy recognises is that the government has no authority and exists only in embassies and summit rooms outside the country.

Chopping off heads and hands, stoning women and girls to death, blowing up medical students and switching off music and sport has left al-Shabaab feared but not loved. A triumphant march into Villa Somalia could be the beginning of the end for the complex alliances inside the group.

The real alternatives may lie in increased support for Somaliland, where a democratic election was successfully staged last month, and the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, which has resisted the Islamic militia. Other armed factions such as Ahlu Sunna already fight al-Shabaab more convincingly than government forces.

Foreign-sponsored state building has failed Somalia and the "more of the same" strategy is really aimed at containing the violence, regardless of how bad it gets

 

Autism: is a condition whereby kids see and experience the world differently

Autism is a condition whereby kids see and experience the world differently from the way other kids see. Autistic children experience communication difficulty which prevents them from expressing themselves and using words. Autistic children are usually lonely and it is difficult for them to talk with people without help. I felt for them because they are really in a very difficult situation. Imagine being in their situation. Imagine you are somebody who has all the thought other kids have, has the feelings, aspirations and everybody else has, but can't communicate it to other kids and other people.       Their five senses are working like everybody else. They collect all the information from their surroundings, but their problems is their unusual way of responding to what is around them. Noises and normal sounds may really bother someone with autism. When they hear noises they often cover their ears an attempt aimed of not hearing the noises that are bothering them. Children with autism do not even understand when some one is smiling and happy. It is very difficult for them to associate smiling with happiness. A child with autism has the problem of making the link between words and their meanings. Their situation is really frustrating and difficult. They can't understand what their parents are saying too them.  To communicate by uttering few incoherent words, and move their hands and often have the tendency of becoming easily like changes in routines. Another trait of children with autism is the habit of staying one routine or schedule. Any change in their routine schedule makes them angry. If someone has autism his or her brain has trouble with an important job which is understanding the world.  Every day, your brain interprets the sights, sounds, smells, and other feelings that we encounter. If your brain couldn't perceive these things, you would have trouble doing anything.  Children with autism can change what their senses collect into words. There is still a heated debate about autism. Some people attribute to be caused by the children vaccines such as the MMRs. Others think is caused by mercury which the children have exposed to. In conclusion there is concrete cause of autism at this point. Source: http://www.kidshealth.org/kid/health_problems/brain/autism.html. http://www.nationalautismassociation.org/thimerosol.php Suleman Igeh: Freelance writer

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Burka ban 'un-British'

UK: Burka ban 'un-British' Banning the wearing of burkas in public would be 'rather un-British', the Immigration Minister said today as he attacked efforts to make it illegal in this country. Damian Green said it would be 'undesirable' for Parliament to try to pass such a law, which would be at odds with the UK's 'tolerant and mutually respectful society'. Fellow Tory MP Philip Hollobone introduced a private members' bill which would make it illegal for people to cover their faces in public. More than two thirds of voters back a ban like that approved almost unanimously by French MPs last week, according to a recent opinion poll. But Mr Green insisted such a move was 'very unlikely' to be copied here.   (Photo, BBC) 'Telling people what they can and can't wear, if they're just walking down the street, is a rather un-British thing to do,' he told the Sunday Telegraph. 'We're a tolerant and mutually respectful society.' (...)   Environment Secretary Caroline Spelman today also spoke out against the prospect of a ban. 'I take a strong view on this, actually, that I don't, living in this country, as a woman, want to be told what I can and can't wear,' she said. 'That's something which both myself and (community cohesion minister Baroness) Sayeeda Warsi have argued very strongly, that one of the things we pride ourselves on in this country is being free - and being free to choose what you wear is a part of that. 'So actually banning the burka is absolutely contrary, I think, to what this country is all about.'

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Germany: Islam lessons improve integration, says education minister

Germany: Islam lessons improve integration, says education minister Via The Local: Education Minister Annette Schavan has defended the controversial policy of introducing lessons about Islam into German school classes, saying they aided integration. She said learning lessons about Islam had been very constructive in schools, leading to better understanding between Muslim and non-Muslim students. "Of course I know about the fears of many Germans in connection with this topic," she told Focus magazine. "But I see it as experienced religious freedom, as a dialogue between Christianity and Islam." She said there was no way such lessons were about installing Koran schools, or offering a platform to radical Islamists. "No, we want to use this to bring Islam out of the back yard and make it transparent," she said.

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Prison apologizes for serving pork meat

UK: Prison apologizes for serving pork meat Via BBC (h/t Al-Kanz): A prison governor has apologised to Muslim inmates after they were served non-halal burgers. A number of Muslim inmates at HMP Ford, an open prison in West Sussex, are claiming they were served pork burgers by prison staff on Saturday evening.   This article was prepared by the Islam in Europe blog - islamineurope.blogspot.com   A prison service spokesman said: "On Saturday a problem in the kitchens resulted in Muslim prisoners being mistakenly served non-halal food." It is still not clear exactly what meat was used. The spokesman added: "The governor is apologising to the prisoners affected and an investigation is under way. The prison is working closely with the Muslim chaplain on this matter."

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Healthy heart training for imams

UK: Healthy heart training for imams Via Manchester Evening News: The British Heart Foundation and QUIT are working together to encourage the Muslim community to stop smoking and lead a healthier lifestyle this Ramadan. Statistics suggest that South Asians in the UK are 50 per cent more likely to die from heart disease than those in the general population . This article was prepared by the Islam in Europe blog - islamineurope.blogspot.com As part of the Ramadan campaign, the BHF will be training 300 imams in major cities across the UK. Trainees will receive information they need to help their congregation make positive lifestyle changes including stopping smoking, improving their diet and exercising more. The initiative will take place in Manchester, London, Blackburn and Bradford. Qaim Zaidi, Ethnic Strategy Manager for the BHF said: "During Ramadan Muslims do not eat, drink or smoke from sunrise to sunset for 30 days. For many it's the ideal time to kick the smoking habit and lead a healthier lifestyle. Stopping smoking is one of the most important things you can do to benefit your health.

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Islamist rebels vow jihad on Somalia's Puntland

 

Source: Reuters * Rebel leader Sheikh Atom says allied to al Shabaab * Atom violated arms embargo, United Nations says * Pro-Qaeda site says to launch tv news channel in Somalia By Abdi Sheikh MOGADISHU, ...

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Somalia: UNHCR works to reverse deportations from Puntland

Source: UNHCR Some 900 migrants, refugees, asylum seekers and internally displaced people were deported from Bossasso after shootings last week.

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Mo Farah: How Britain's athletics hero escaped the chaos of Somalia

Alan Watkinson knew he was dealing with more than an average schoolboy runner in 1996 when Mo Farah, a gawky teenager with little English and a nose for trouble who had recently arrived in west London from Somalia, streaked to second place in a cross-country championship. He had started the race by sprinting off in the wrong direction.

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New Somaliland president sets sights on corruption

: New Somaliland president sets sights on corruption

Kulmiye supporters on the campaign trail in Hargeisa: Kulmiye leader Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud, better known as Silaanyo, was declared Somaliland President on 1 July

Kulmiye supporters on the campaign trail in Hargeisa: Kulmiye leader Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud, better known as Silaanyo, was declared Somaliland President on 1 July

HARGEISA, 2 July 2010 (IRIN) - Opposition leader Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud "Siilanyo" of the Peace, Unity and Development Party (Kulmiye), has been elected president of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, after he won just under 50 percent of votes cast on 26 June, in the first democratic handover in the Horn of Africa. He will be inaugurated next month. 

Initially a senior minister in former Somalia President Siyad Barre's government in the 1980s, Mohamoud quit to join the then armed opposition Somali National Movement (SNM), eventually becoming its leader. After Somaliland's declaration of independence in 1991, Mohamoud held various senior ministerial positions until 2001 when he resigned from the government of the late President Muhammad Ibrahim Egal. 

Mohamoud formed Kulmiye in 2002 and contested the 2003 presidential elections but lost by only 80 votes to Dahir Riyale Kalin, who won around 33 percent of the last ballot. 

He spoke to IRIN a few days before the election, when he said he was "very optimistic" of victory. 

Q: What is your priority should you win? 

A: Well, in our programme, there are a large number of issues we need to handle but I would say, first of all, we would put together a lean government with limited ministerial posts, which will also be very effective, I hope. Secondly, I will abolish emergency laws, which are unconstitutional and which have sent so many people to prison. I will release all prisoners not sentenced by a court of law, except those accused of terrorism and theft. 

[According to a July 2009 report by Human Rights Watch, a key component of the criminal justice system consists of unconstitutional "security committees [which] sentence and imprison Somalilanders, including people accused of common crimes and juveniles, without any pretence of due process. They regularly sentence defendants en masse on the basis of little or no evidence after truncated hearings in which the accused are given no right to speak."] 

My cabinet will be much smaller than the current one. We will also make sure that the judiciary is independent. We will also deal with the problems in Sool and Sanag East [disputed territory regions] to create peace and stability. We also aim to boost our relations with neighbouring countries to strengthen the fight against terrorism and piracy. 


Photo: Jane Some/IRIN 
A campaign poster for Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud (Siilanyo), the newly elected President of Somaliland
Q: What are you going to do about corruption in Somaliland? 

A: That is one of our highest priorities; it is one of the main problems in this country. We will fight corruption and will deal with corrupt people and show them no mercy whatsoever. We will reform the judicial system and will introduce measures to punish corrupt people in an appropriate manner. We will set up an anti-corruption commission. 

Q: Somalia has been in crisis for more than two decades now. Do you have any ideas or suggestions how this crisis could be resolved? 

A: Well, in terms of Somalia, first of all, we wish our brothers [in south-central Somalia] every success in achieving peace and stability because that affects us as well. We are saddened by what is happening to the people of Somalia. We have thousands of refugees here. We are going to give full support to the position of the international community to bring peace back to Somalia. We are going to support the position taken by the UN and other international organizations to restore stability and peace to Somalia. We are going to be part of the world and we are going to play a very [key] role, I hope. We will definitely study which way we can help directly, without comprising our independence. 

Q: There are thousands of people from south-central Somalia, displaced by the conflict there, who have sought refuge in Somaliland. Should you win, do you have a programme for them? 

A: These people, who are refugees from Somalia [and] whom the international community regards as internally displaced, have been warmly welcomed here. They are our brothers and sisters. There is a very large number of people from Somalia in Somaliland at present and many of them are not in camps. They are with us; they are part of the population and they will continue to be our guests and we will ask the international community to do whatever they can for them. Also, we are going to ensure their safety. Their presence will be one of the major issues we will deal with, Inshallah [God-willing]. 

Q: The number of youth leaving Somaliland to seek opportunities elsewhere, often undertaking dangerous boat journeys, is increasing. Would your government have a specific programme for them? 

A: It is a major problem facing the country... In our programme we have very clearly stated that we are going to create all the incentives possible to discourage young people from throwing themselves in the sea and going abroad. We are going to create a normal life for them in their own country, by creating jobs for them, facilitate education for them and encourage them to stay in the country and believe in their own country and its stability. We will encourage investment in the country to create more employment and also create confidence in the country and its youth. 

js-ah/am/mw

[ENDS]

Analysis: Time for jaw-jaw, not war-war in Somaliland

Analysis: Time for jaw-jaw, not war-war in Somaliland

HARGEISA, 28 July 2010 (IRIN) - Negotiating a swift end to a conflict in the east that has displaced thousands of civilians in recent weeks should be a top priority for Somaliland's new president if a much larger crisis is to be averted, say analysts.

 Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud "Silanyo" [http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=89706] was sworn into office as the fourth president of the self-declared independent state on 26 July, amid clashes [http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=89941] between government forces and a new armed opposition group in the eastern Sool region.

 The group is called Sool Sanaag and Cayn (SSC), after the areas it aspires to "liberate". These are contested by adjacent Puntland, a region that, while largely autonomous, does not claim independence from the rest of Somalia.

 "The president must begin negotiations with SSC's clan leaders," Abdi Risak Aqli, a political analyst in Hargeisa, told IRIN.

 Silanyo, whose clan has close ties with the Dhulbahante sub-clan in Sool, promised as much during his campaign.

 For Rashid Abdi, a Somalia analyst with the International Crisis Group, the violence in Sool, which is rooted in perceptions of marginalization, was predictable and is now quite easily solvable.

 "Unfortunately, the international community didn't take it seriously. Unforgivably, the governments in both Somaliland and Puntland played down the crisis until it flared up into violence. It was left to fester and now it has caused a massive dislocation of people," he told IRIN, calling for pressure to be exerted on both regions "before it's too late".

 He added: "Traditional methods of conflict resolution, where clan elders play a role and everything is thrashed out and settled amicably, are very strong in northern Somalia."

 Since avenues for such dialogue were blocked, "some hardline elements in these clans opted for armed insurrection... as a way to force the Sool Sanaag issue on to the president's agenda [http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=89616]", he explained.

 "The danger is that if these localized grievances are not addressed, it will feed other people with grievances, creating a much bigger problem."

 Silanyo is well placed to resolve the uprising, according to Abdi. "He has indicated his willingness to do so. He is a veteran politician, he knows the region. This is a president who has more to gain by finding a political settlement."

 Berouk Mesfin, senior researcher at the Institute of Strategic Studies conflict prevention programme, also spoke about the dangers of not resolving a crisis in "areas that have no viable infrastructure or basic services, that have been neglected for the last four or five decades.

 "[But] taking the military option has dangers as Somaliland has established a reputation for relatively better institutions and consensual or more democratic politics. At the same time, it has to deal firmly with such outright dissent and even sabotage of its quest for statehood," said Mesfin, alluding to the nationalistic tendencies of the Dhulbahante.

 "Silanyo will have to make Sool one of his most important priorities, but now there is the need to focus on the formation of a workable government and satisfying all the groupings which supported him," he said.

 maj/js-am/mw[END]

AFRICA: It's how you spend the money that saves lives

AFRICA: It's how you spend the money that saves lives

KAMPALA/JOHANNESBURG, 28 July 2010 (IRIN) - Members of the African Union (AU) reaffirmed at the end of their meeting on 27 July in Kampala, Uganda, that they would strive to spend 15 percent of their national budgets on health, but at the end of the day it is about how "effectively and efficiently" you spend the money, not about how much.

 The promise to spend 15 percent on health was made in Abuja, Nigeria, in 2001, but health experts like Chikezie Anyanwu, Africa Advocacy Advisor to Save the Children, which works to promote children's rights, were left wondering whether the percentages actually made a difference.

 Countries could spend more than 15 percent and still show no real reduction in the deaths of children younger than five, or among women during or after childbirth, as specified in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) set by the UN.

 Rwanda, Liberia and Tanzania are the only three African countries devoting more than 15 percent of their national spending on health, said Anyanwu, citing a 2010 World Health Organization (WHO) report, based on data from 2007. "But they have made insufficient progress in meeting MDGs [Millennium Development Goals] four and five [reducing maternal and child mortality]."

 In South Africa, one of the most developed and richest countries in the continent, the infant mortality rate has escalated and the country will probably not achieve the MDG target by the deadline of 2015.

 An under-five mortality rate of 67 per 1,000 live births put South Africa at 141 out of 193 countries; in 1990 the rate was 56 deaths per 1,000 live births, according to the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF). HIV/AIDS is cited as the leading cause of death among children in South Africa.

 Mortality audits by the government's Child Healthcare Problem Identification Programme indicated that more than 60 percent of children who died in hospital between 2005 and 2007 were underweight, and according to the most recent national food consumption survey in 2005 nearly one in five children was stunted or chronically malnourished.

 Yet Malawi, poorly resourced and with a high HIV prevalence rate, is on track for achieving its MDG targets, but since 2007 it has pushed its spending on health beyond 15 percent, said Health Minister Prof Moses Chirambo.

 Malawi is now one of only 10 African nations that could meet MDG 4 - reducing child deaths by two-thirds of the 1990 levels by 2015 - according to an African Scorecard prepared by Save the Children, using WHO and UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) data.

 The case of South Africa

 "In 2006, the South African government spent seven times more money on health than Malawi, and 17 times more than Madagascar - two countries that have reduced child mortality by more than one-third between 1990 and 2008," said an article written jointly by Prof David Sanders of the University of the Western Cape, Debbie Bradshaw of the South African Medical Research Council, and Ngashi Ngongo of UNICEF.

 "South Africa is one of 12 countries going backwards on reducing infant mortality," said Sanders. The other 12 countries include Zimbabwe Botswana, Kenya and Sierra Leone.

 The article was among several in the latest edition of South African Child Gauge 2009/10, an annual snapshot of the status of South Africa's children published by the University of Cape Town (UCT), which took critical stock of spending on child health.

 Malawi and Madagascar started with a mortality baseline even more abysmal than South Africa's. Eight percent of South Africa's gross domestic product is spent on health, but about five percent of that is spent by the private sector; 60 percent of the remaining roughly three percent that goes to the public sector is spent on personnel, Sanders told IRIN.

 HIV was a major cause of death in South Africa, accounting for between 35 and 40 percent children younger than five, but other diseases such as diarrhoea also chalked up heavy casualties.

 Sanders and his co-authors cited recent analyses implicating South Africa's high HIV prevalence of about 18 percent in its poor health performance, and mother-to-child transmission in high morbidity and mortality among infants and young children.

 There are lessons that Malawi, with an HIV prevalence of 14 percent, extreme shortages of paediatricians, doctors and midwives, can offer South Africa and other countries, said Sanders.

 It has focused on improving community-based health services and recruiting health surveillance assistants to administer antiretroviral drugs, supervise the directly observed treatment short course (DOTS) for TB, and contribute to maternal, newborn and child healthcare, which includes paying postnatal visits, an often critical service.

 Malawi has also prioritized spending on nutrition - a sector run by the Malawian president himself - as a key preventive action to ensure that children's and women's immune systems are not compromised.

 The South African government should ensure that quality foods like vegetables, fruits and good animal protein sources were cheaper than foods with poor nutritional value, said Sanders.

 In another article Michael Hendricks of UCT and Lesley Bourne of the Medical Research Council said 80 percent of households could not afford an average nutritionally adequate food basket.

 "But this calls for addressing broader issues, such alleviating poverty and ensuring people have access to good living environments, with water and well ventilated homes," said Sanders.

 In 2008, 64 percent of children lived in poor households, said Hendricks and Bourne, who called for a multi-sectoral approach to tackling malnutrition by using several ministries, such as health, education, agriculture and social development.

 jk/he[END]

New Somaliland president sworn in

New Somaliland president sworn in

HARGEISA – The newly-elected president of Somalia's northern breakaway state of Somaliland was sworn in Tuesday following June polls widely acclaimed as peaceful and democratic.

Outgoing president Dahir Riyale Kahin handed over power to Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo during a ceremony at the presidential palace in the capital Hargeisa.

"I solemnly transfer power to the new president, my brother Ahmed Silanyo, who defeated me in the recent elections," said Riyale, who had been in power since 2002.

"I will work with him by giving my support and I call upon all of you to unite in his support," he added. "There is a huge and difficult task ahead of our brother so let us help him succeed in his work."

Silanyo, who has a degree from the London School of Economics and runs the Kulmiye party, is Somaliland's fourth president since the territory unilaterally proclaimed its independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991.

"I ask for your support to fulfil my commitments and, as of tomorrow, I will start appointing my government," Silanyo said at the ceremony.

The elections were held on June 26, on the day of the 50th anniversary of independence from Britain.

The polls were originally slated for 2008 but were delayed by a protracted dispute over voter registration.

Last month's election was nonetheless held without any violence despite a hard-fought campaign and the incumbent gracefully conceded defeat after a ballot foreign observers hailed as generally fair.

Many voters and politicians have voiced hope that the smooth transfer of power would once again prove their democratic credentials and strengthen their territory's case for international recognition.

Some Western countries argue Somaliland deserves to become a fully-fledged country and thus gain access to more aid but the African Union is wary of setting a precedent they fear could spur secessions across the continent.

AFP

Somaliland: Dareenkii Ka Qaybgalayaasha, Dhoolla-caddayntii Labada Madaxweyne iyo Jawigii Madasha Xil-wareejinta Ee Maanta!

Somaliland: Dareenkii Ka Qaybgalayaasha, Dhoolla-caddayntii Labada Madaxweyne iyo Jawigii Madasha Xil-wareejinta Ee Maanta!
posted by: mursal

Hargeysa(Togaherer.com):- Waxa aad loo adkeeyey guud ahaanba ammaanka Caasimadda Hargeysa, gaar ahaan Kaamboolka qasriga, waxa la qurxiyey dhismaha xarunta iyo inta ka ag-dhaw, waxa si habsami ah oo habaysan loo wadhay Kuraasi barxadda dhexe ee gudaha dayrka oo dabcan aad loo sii rusheeyey.

Dadka madasha joogay waxay ahaayeen guud ahaan kuwo qiiro-farxad, qosol, dhoolla-caddayn iyo bilicda dharkaba ka siman oo la wadaagay madasha. Waxay dhagaha dadku maqlayeen Muusiga astaanta u ah Heesta Calanka Somaliland oo ay kaga sanqadhinayeen Ciidamada Booliska qaybta Muusikada ee Bamboyda loo yaqaanno oo si hagar la'aan ah ugaga hadliyey qalabkooda. Meel kale maaha ee madashu waa qasriga Madaxtooyada Somaliland ee magaalada Hargeysa, ka sokow Musiga Bamboyda waxay dhagahaagu maqlayeen sacab iyo mashxarad dareenka farxadda awgeed ku lammaanaa oo sacabbo aan beryahaa is taaban isu keenay.

Goobo kala dambeeya ayaa Ciidamadu dadka ku joojinayeen, isla markaana lagu baadhayey, qalabka wax sheega iyo gacantaba, baytal-qasiidka Madasha loo qurxiyey ma qarsoona, oo dabcan waxa ka dhacaysa gudaha madaxtooyada Munaasibad ballaadhan oo si weyn loo soo agaasimay oo ay xilka kula wareegayeen Madaxweynaha shaqada ka tagaya ee Somaliland Daahir Rayaale Kaahin iyo Madaxweynaha la doortay Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo), sidoo kalena lagu dhaarinayay Madaxweynaha la doortay iyo Ku-xigeenkiisa Cabdiraxmaan Cabdillaahi Ismaaciil (Saylici).

Waxaana Xafladdaasi ka soo qaybgalay, labada Madaxweyne ee xilka la kala wareegay iyo Ku-xigeennadooda ka sokow, Shirguddoonna Golayaasha Baarlamaanka, Golaha Xukuumadda, Guddiga doorashooyinka, Maxkamadda sare, Masuuliyiinta Xisbiyada Siyaasadda Somaliland, Wufuud ka kala socotay waddamada Jabuuti, Itoobiya, Kenya, Goob-joogayaal iyo Wakiillo waddamada caalamka ka socoday, aqoonyahaniin, abwaaniin iyo Marti-sharaf kale.

Madaxweynaha shaqada ka tagaya iyo ku-xigeenkiisa Md. Daahir Rayaale Kaahin iyo Axmed Yuusuf Yaasiin oo si gooni gooni ah u socday ayaa ku soo galay Madaxtooyada Baabuurtooda gaarka ah wakhti saacaddu sagaalkii subaxnimo cagacagaynaysay. Sidoo kale, Madaxweynaha xilka la wareegayay iyo Ku-xigeenkiisa Md. Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo) iyo ku-xigeenkiisa Cabdiraxmaan Cabdillaahi Ismaaciil (Saylici), ayaa soo galay wakhti daqiiqado yari ka hadhsanaayeen bilawga Xafladda oo loogu talagalay inay si rasmiya u bilaabanto 10:00-kii subaxnimo, 10:30-kii iyo badhkiina waxa bilaabantay Munaasibaddii oo lagu furay Aayado Quraan ah.

Intaasi ka dib, waxa soo kacay Guddoomiyaha Maxkamadda sare ee Somaliland Maxamed Siciid Xirsi (Oommane), waxaanu halkaasi ku dhaariyey Madaxweynaha la doortay Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo) iyo ku-xigeenkiisa Cabdiraxmaan Cabdillaahi Ismaaciil (Saylici), oo iyagu maanta noqday hoggaanka sharciga ah ee shan sano oo maanta ka bilaabanta hayn doona talada dalka Somaliland.

Dhaarinta ka dib, Madaxweynaha xilka wareejinayey Daahir Rayaale Kaahin, ayaa khudbaddiisii ugu dambaysay halkaasi ka jeediyey, isla markaana waxa uu sheegay inuu ku faraxsan yahay xilka uu maanta wareejinayo, si qalbi furan ah oo niyad-sami ahna ugu soo dhawaynayo Madaxweynaha la doortay. Isaga oo ballan-qaaday inuu daba istaagi doono oo uu la shaqayn doono. Waxaanu M. Rayaale u mahadceliyey Wufuudda munaasibaddaas uga yimi dalalka Jabuuti, Itoobiya, iyo meelo kaleba. Waxa kale oo uu Daahir Rayaale sheegay inay maanta tahay maalin taariikhi ah oo ay rumoowday jidkii dheer oo uu sheegay in dimuquraaddiyadda Somaliland u soo martay.

Ugu dambayntii Madaxweynaha la doortay Axmed-Siilaanyo, ayaa isaguna khudbaddiisii ugu horreysay Madaxweynenimada inta loo dhaariyey, madashaasi ka jeediyey, waxaanu sidoo kale u mahadceliyey Madaxda Kenya, Itoobiya iyo Jabuuti ee Weftiyada u soo diray ka qaybgalka Xafladda uu xilka kula wareegayey. Waxaanu sheegay inuu sinnaan, caddaalad iyo midnimo ku hoggaamin doono dalka mudda uu xilka hayo. Isla markaana waxa uu si weyn ugu mahadceliyey Madaxweynaha talada ku wareejiyey iyo ku-xigeenkiisa.

Waxay labada Madaxweyne ee xilka isku wareejiyey iyo ku-xigeennadoodu ka qaateen salaan sharaf Cutubyo Ciidamada qalabka sida ka tirsan, iyaga oo ku dul-taagan roog cas oo la sii goglay. Madaxweynaha xilka wareejiyey Md. Rayaale, waxa uu ku baxay baabuurkiisa gaarka ah illaa gurigiisa gaarka ah ee uu hadda degay, halka Madaxweynaha xilka la wareegayna meel badhtamaha ahayd oo ay salaanta ku qaateen, isla markaana isku macasalaameeyeen labada Oday, ayuu Siilaanyo dib uga noqday isaga oo ku laabtay dhinaca dhismaha xafiisyada iyo guryaha Madaxtooyada.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, waa markii ugu horreysay ee ay dalka Somaliland ka dhacdo Xaflad tan oo kale ah oo ay xilka kula kala wareegayaan laba Madaxweyne oo la soo doortay oo is beddalaya. Madaxweynihii ugu horreeyey ee tan iyo markii Somaliland gooni-isu-taageeda lagu dhawaaqay 1991-kii ee shicibku soo doortaa ahaa Daahir Rayaale Kaahin oo siddeed sano xilka hayey, halka Madaxweynihii labaad ee shacabku soo doorteenna yahay Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo) oo ku guulaystay doorashadii 26 June 2010 Somaliland ka qabsoontay.

Togaherer.com

Hargeysa/Somaliland

ENHANCING IRAQI WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN PEACE EFFORTS FOCUS OF UN FORUM

ENHANCING IRAQI WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN PEACE EFFORTS FOCUS OF UN FORUM

Increasing the participation of Iraqi women in conflict resolution and in building a lasting peace were among the issues discussed today at a United Nations-organized forum in Baghdad to highlight the 10th anniversary of a landmark Security Council resolution on the subject.

The forum brought together senior UN officials with women advocates, leaders and parliamentarians for the Global Open Day for Women and Peace, an initiative by the world body to examine how to increase women's participation in the maintenance of peace and security.

Speakers at the gathering, including Acting State Minister of Women's Affairs Khuloud Al-Majoun and parliamentarian Hanan Al Fatlawee, stressed the importance of having the necessary measures and resources to advance women's empowerment, such as proper legislation, dedicated budgets and training in areas such as negotiations and national reconciliation.

"This morning's inspiring discussion marks a crucial moment for the UN – to hear directly from Iraqi women who are taking the lead in addressing and advancing the role of women in society, whether through government or civil society," said Ad Melkert, the Secretary-General's Special Representative for Iraq, who chaired the forum.

Mr. Melkert, who heads the UN Assistance Mission for Iraq (<"http://www.uniraq.org/">UNAMI), stressed the world body's willingness to consider, and where possible to support, the recommendations highlighted at the meeting.

Today's consultations were organized by UNAMI, the UN Development Fund for Women (<"http://www.unifem.org/">UNIFEM) and the UN Iraqi Gender Task Force. Along with similar gatherings in other countries, they are taking place in the lead-up to the anniversary of resolution 1325 on women and peace and security, adopted by the Council in October 2000.

The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peacebuilding, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction.

It also stresses the need to increase the representation of women at all decision-making levels, appoint more women as special representatives and envoys of the Secretary-General, involve women as participants in peace negotiations and agreements, and protect women and girls from gender-based violence, among other issues.

Recommendations resulting from all Open Days will be forwarded to the Security Council ahead of its October meeting on the implementation of resolution 1325.
Jul 26 2010 12:10PM

SUDANESE POLLS A MILESTONE, SAYS BAN, CALLING FOR GREATER EXPANSION OF DEMOCRATIC SPACE

SUDANESE POLLS A MILESTONE, SAYS BAN, CALLING FOR GREATER EXPANSION OF DEMOCRATIC SPACE
New York, Jul 27 2010 12:10PM
Presidential and parliamentary elections in Sudan in April marked an important milestone in the implementation of the peace agreement that ended civil war in the country despite operational challenges, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon says in a new report, urging both parties to the deal to continue their efforts to expand the democratic process.

"I strongly encourage both Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) partners to work with all political parties in a transparent manner to maintain and expand the nascent democratic space, including, in particular, law reform consistent with the CPA and the interim constitution of the Sudan, which is critical for the remaining CPA processes, especially the referendums," Mr. Ban says in a <"http://www.un.org/Docs/journal/asp/ws.asp?m=s/2010/388">report to the Security Council on the implementation of the peace agreement.

The CPA was signed in 2005 formally ending two decades of civil war between the northern-based Government and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) in the south. Following the agreement, the SPLM formed the autonomous Government of Southern Sudan.

The CPA provide for a referendum on self-determination for southern Sudan on 9 January next year. On the same day, residents of Abyei area in central Sudan in vote on a separate referendum on whether to retain Abyei's special administrative status in the north or become part of southern Sudan.

In his report to the Security Council, the Secretary-General says that the referendums will require significant international support to be viewed as credible, but notes that while both parties have indicated their desire for extensive United Nations involvement in the processes, they have yet to agree on the precise scope of the UN role.

Mr. Ban says in the report that a joint request by both parties detailing the required additional support and role for the UN is a precondition for precise planning and timely delivery.

"I urge the parties to take full advantage of <"http://unmis.unmissions.org/">UNMIS [UN Mission in Sudan] and other international partners' offers of material, technical, logistical and 'good offices' assistance," the Secretary-General says.

He notes that the CPA foresees international monitoring of the referendums, and both parties intend to request the UN to provide monitors to work alongside the observers whom they plan to invite from several governments and international institutions.

"International monitoring, which is stipulated in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement as necessary, will be critical for the credibility and acceptance of the referendum outcomes and for subsequent peace," Mr. Ban says.

The report says that the need for a workable agreement on post-referendum arrangements remains acute, and welcomes both parties' agreement on a procedural framework and African Union (AU) facilitation for bilateral talks on post-referendum arrangements.

"I emphasize that efforts will have to be accelerated to provide the necessary clarity on critical questions within the time remaining. UNMIS and other international partners stand ready to assist the parties during the negotiations and to support the implementation of agreements they reach," the Secretary-General says.

The Secretary-General deplores continued restrictions on the freedom of movement of UNMIS by both parties, which he says violated the Status of Forces Agreement and seriously compromises the ability of the mission to monitor and verify the implementation of security arrangements and to assist the parties in preventing conflict and instability.

The Secretary-General reported that as of 30 June, UNMIS had deployed 9,935 of its authorized 10,000 military personnel, including 496 military observers, 192 staff officers and 9,247 troops.
Jul 27 2010 12:10PM

GLOBAL: Insights into the ever more complex aid system

GLOBAL: Insights into the ever more complex aid system

DAKAR, 27 July 2010 (IRIN) - As the humanitarian "system" becomes more complex, with new actors and overlapping mandates, different definitions of humanitarian aid, and ever-more ambitious goals, humanitarian aid watchdog Development Initiatives outlines some of the needs, responses and funding trends over the past decade in its 2010 Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) report. [http://www.devinit.org/; http://www.globalhumanitarianassistance.org/about-gha]

 Here are some of the findings:

 Private funding the rising star

 NGO Médecins Sans Frontières received US$845 million of private funding in 2009, making it equivalent to the fourth largest donor country.

 The total support received outside the UN-NGO Haiti earthquake flash appeal was three times the funding within the appeal, and exceeded total appeal requirements.

 "Since 2005 there have been a lot of initiatives to bring the humanitarian system together - but what about the actors that remain outside?" asks Jan Kellett, programme leader of the GHA. "There are some very significant non-DAC [OECD member countries' Development Assistance Committee] donors; and private funding allows NGOs to choose where to spend the money in a more flexible way, which can be problematic for the system as you wouldn't know what is met and what is not."

 Humanitarian assistance was up US$3.1 billion in 2009 compared with 2006, despite an 11 percent drop in reported government aid in 2009; private contributions increased by 50 percent since 2006, reaching $4.1 billion.

 Since 2000, year on year, humanitarian aid has accounted for on average 8.35 percent of DAC governments' official development aid.

 Several high-profile disasters have caused humanitarian aid spikes, following which aid then dipped but not to pre-spike levels. These include: Kosovo (1999), Iraq and Afghanistan (2003), the Indian Ocean tsunami and the Kashmir earthquake (2005); and smaller spikes for Afghanistan and Ethiopia in 2008.

 "Non-traditional donors" - governments outside DAC, LINK gave US$224 million in 2009 - a sharp drop from the $1.1 billion in 2008 which had been largely due to Saudi Arabia's contribution to the World Food Programme (WFP) for the food crisis. [http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=88601]

 Saudi Arabia was the largest non-DAC donor in 2009, giving $51.8 million; followed by United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and the Russian Federation: top recipients were the occupied Palestinian territory, with $99.7 million; followed by Pakistan and Afghanistan.

 Response to conflict the priority

 Some 71 percent of aid in 1999-2008 was spent in conflict-affected states. The top five recipients of government and private humanitarian aid in 2009 were Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Somalia, Ethiopia and Zimbabwe.

 Non-humanitarian donor spending on conflict-resolution and peace and security-related activities increased 20-fold between 1998 and 2008, particularly in the areas of peacebuilding and security sector reform, compared with the doubling of humanitarian assistance over the same period.

 Some 34 national militaries deployed troops to the Haiti earthquake response.

 Peacekeeping costs and personnel numbers hit an all-time high in 2009 with $7.4 billion going to UN peacekeeping missions, funding 98,000 personnel; while there were 112,000 non-UN peacekeepers, according to Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

 Eight UN peacekeeping missions are currently operational under civilian protection mandates, with the authorization to "use force to protect civilians under imminent threat of physical violence". The largest UN peacekeeping missions are in Sudan, DRC, Liberia, Lebanon and Haiti.

 "A major finding is that unless we understand the full complexity of all actors and money, then we cannot implement [humanitarian assistance] correctly," said Kellett. "Humanitarian aid does not exist in a silo and cannot become an isolated thing in itself."

 Measuring need still not accurate

 It is very hard to gauge to what degree aid meets needs as there is still no uniform, thorough, objective way of measuring needs, says the GHA. [http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=88696]

 Most needs assessments are still kept private.

 The UN-led Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP) is still often viewed as a sign of needs, but rather: "[It] highlights what organizations present in the country feel they could do with programming they believe they could undertake for the people they believe they could reach. The true scale and severity of need remains out of reach [of the CAP]." [http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=89495]

 Many humanitarian needs are not included in CAPs. In 2009 $7 billion was spent inside the UN appeals process, while more than $4.1 billion of other humanitarian aid came in; and the unmet part of the appeals was $2.7 billion.

 Who gets what?

 Aid to victims of the 2004 tsunami was on average $2,670 per capita; Haiti $993; and DRC $58 (a 10-fold increase on the previous decade in the case of DRC)

 Aid for all sectors has increased in line with overall humanitarian aid increases. Food aid has gone up four-fold in the last decade, while low-funded sectors include mine action, coordination and support services, and protection.

 Protection doubled to $385 million between 2003 and 2009 but is still consistently underfunded. International response to natural disasters remains reactive rather than proactive, and prevention and preparedness still struggle to receive due attention and funding; as does education.

 Over the last three years, 60 percent of DAC donor aid has been channelled mainly through UN agencies; just under 25 percent went to NGOs and civil society organizations; 0.4 percent to NGOs in developing countries; 0.2 percent to the International Movement of the Red Cross and Red Crescent.


 aj/cb

Read more on needs-assessment innovations:


Innovations include: a UN-convened needs assessment task force to harmonize needs assessments; the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) SMART (specific, measurable, attainable, realistic and timely) surveys on nutrition, mortality and food security; and an integrated food security and humanitarian phase classification - in use in six countries - which can give an in-depth picture of the severity of a crisis. Global clusters are trying to agree common indicators and thresholds for humanitarian need to enable comparison of core information across the scale. [http://www.humanitarianinfo.org/iasc/pageloader.aspx?page=content-subsidi-common-default&sb=75; http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/global_partnerships/smart/; http://motherchildnutrition.org/nutrition-protection-promotion/pdf/mcn-ipc-technical-manual.pdf][END]