29 June, 2009

Somaliland: Political Triumph or Practical Disappointment

Somaliland: Political Triumph or Practical Disappointment

 "Contrary to the western belief, Somaliland's successful multi-party elections have proved that the African tradition, Islamic faith and modern democracy are compatible".


Ahmed Mohamed Diriye (Toorno),
ahmedmdiriye@yahoo.com,
Hargeisa
 
Somaliland the home of 3.5 million persons, one third of the population of the collapsed Somalia, is a former British colony in the Horn of Africa that merged in 1960 with the Italian colony of Somalia to form the independent republic of Somalia.
 
When Somalia disintegrated into fiefdoms controlled by iron-fisted warlords in the early 1990s, Somaliland broke away and set up its own administrational institutions, including executive, legislative and judicial bodies, and currency.
 
Somalilanders tried to build a new state through shirweyne (conference in Somali) under the acacia trees that people in this country can understand and identify with, instead of the extravagance five-star hotels in the neighboring or concerned African and Arab cities, where many failing reconciliations held.
 
In this basically classless society, the right to choose one's leaders freely and hold them accountable was practiced for centuries or perhaps for millenniums. The traditional elders controlled political system took the major decisions by consensus and selected government leaders through an electoral college consisting members representing clans during the decade of 1991-2000. Since then, the challenge has been how to transfer the clan-based system to a modern democratic system.
 
Opportunely, a gradual democratization process took place, where 2001 constitutional referendum, municipal elections, presidential, and House of Representatives election where held in 2001, 2002, 2003, and 2005, respectively; and the second term presidential and municipal elections are planned September and December 2009, respectively.
 
Seventy-six International observers from 15 countries including South Africa, Britain, Canada, New Zealand, the United States, Zimbabwe, Sweden, Finland and other EU members reported in their overall assessment that besides lack of enough resources and higher illiteracy of the voters, free and fair elections have been conducted in Somaliland.
 
Somaliland scored 4.5[1] in the numerical index rating, with 1 representing the most respect and 7 the least respect; ranked the Somaliland as the 144th world's political and civil rights respecting country out of 208 countries (193 recognized and 15 yet to be recognized countries);  which further indicated that Somaliland has more political rights and civil liberties, than 64 countries, including China, Russia, Egypt, Sudan, Libya, Somalia, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Tunisia according to the Washington based Freedom House Organization's 2007..
 
Somaliland peace-making and democratization, and the relatively peaceful neighboring Puntland State of Somalia are enough to approve of the hypothesis of that building peace through people not for the people is more successful than parachuting Somali government established in Nairobi, Impeghatti, Djibouti, Arta, Cairo, Sana, etc. 
Thanks to traditional elders, the homegrown efforts not only manage the peace and security in Somaliland but also the judicial functions as a prevention measure. According to the Hargeisa based Research and Training Center (RTC), 65% of Somaliland settlements rely on community elders in their peace, security and justice management. In addition, two third of the cases reached at the prosecution offices withdrawn their cases to civil mediation; which  accumulates the traditional elders' peace, security, and justice management burden to 77.5%.  
 
Unexpectedly, the supposed appreciation and reward from other Somalis and the international community to the Somaliland is yet to be materialized. Instead, all the fifteen international community's Somali reconciliation attempts and the self-pro-claimed Somali efforts of setting Somali governments, including internationally unrecognized late General Aideed's government, the Union of Islamic Courts defeated by the Ethiopian Military intervention with the US logistic support, and the Al-shabab Al-Mujahedeen Islamist Movement, which currently controlled most of Southern Somalia emphasized to establish a Mogadishu based (suppose to be based) Somali governments; as if Somalia is in Mogadishu; while Mogadishu is in Somalia.
 
Al-shabab Al-Mujahedeen publically declare that they masterminded the three suicidal explosions in Hargeisa on October, 2008 as retributive action against the pro-western and pro-Ethiopian Somaliland is schemer to revenge from the extradition of Anti-Ethiopia ONLF members or supporters from Somaliland to Ethiopia, since Ethiopia is common enemy for ONLF and Al-shabab.
 
 Contrary to the expectation, the international community graded Somaliland down to UN Security Level Four, which could discourage development and investment. In the gatherings, Somalilanders asked questions to each other- whether such security downgrading decision is rewarding to Al-shabab, and inviting to carry our more attacks or not? On September 11, 2001; three planes were crashed into buildings in New York, just couple of yards away from the United Nations headquarter, and no one down graded the USA security level; why the Somaliland?
 
The currently widespread legitimate debate among Somalilanders is- 'what did they benefited from supporting the Western World in the war against the international terrorist', Djibouti in the war against Eritrea, Ethiopia in the war against ONLF, and the Red Sea facing countries in the war against the sea pirate.
 
The homegrown Somaliland peace and democracy needs to be rewarded by offering temporary recognition to both Somaliland and Somalia with the implication of that they should negotiate within that period, and agree, either as two separate states or into one Somalia, as a carrot and stick policy.
 
Any other attempt is unproductive, if not counterproductive, and could create a conducive environment for Al-shabab Al-Mujahedeen's potential conquer of all Somali territories, including Djibouti, and the Somali regions of Ethiopia and Kenya.

Mayor of Tower Hamlets Presents Honorary Plaque to Ahmed Silanyo

Mayor of Tower Hamlets Presents Honorary Plaque to Ahmed Silanyo


The KULMIYE party chairman, Ahmed Mohammed Mohamoud Silanyo, on Monday attended a dinner banquet hosted in his honour in which he was presented with honorary plaque by Ahmed Omer, mayor of the London Borough of Tower Hamlets.

The event, sponsored by the local Somali businesses and community organisations, was attended by several traditional leaders as well as local Somali community representatives from across London.

Silanyo said: " It is an honour for me to attend this great dinner tonight and to be presented with such a gift. None of you, I think, was in this country in 1957 when as a young student I used to visit regularly Somali seafarers living in the docklands of Tower Hamlets". 

"I never thought that one day, one of their children [the seafarers] will grow up to be a mayor and present me this gift [plaque]. I congratulate the mayor for becoming the first ever Somali mayor in the UK".

Silanyo has already visited several European countries and towns in the United Kingdom.  With a very tight schedule, he was nevertheless able to attend dinner with Somali community members in Tower Hamlets.

Tower Hamlets marked a historic occasion in May 2009 with the confirmation of Ahmed Omer as the first Somali mayor in the UK, making him the borough's forty-fifth mayor at the age of 45.

There are currently more than 10,000 Somali Britons living in Tower Hamlets.


Somaliland Government Uses WFP Food Aid as a Political Tool

Somaliland Government Uses WFP Food Aid as a Political Tool

26 June 2009 | News
 Hargeisa, Somaliland (Somaliland Globe)The Somaliland government is using food aid provided by WFP to shape the outcome of the upcoming presidential election planned for 27 September, sources close to the presidential palace told The Somaliland Globe. 

The government is distributing the food aid in selected urban and rural areas, in which the ruling party, United Peoples' Democratic Party known by its Somali acronym UDUB, was losing the strong support it used to enjoy, in order to woo back the electorate to vote for UDUB. 

The failed rainy season led to a drought situation in the inland pastoral zones of Somaliland, affecting particularly those who do not receive remittances from abroad and are dependent solely for their livelihoods either on livestock or rain-fed agriculture. 

The opposition parties are crying foul that the government should not be distributing food but should "let independent aid agencies feed people" and the government, in turn, is demonising the opposition as a bunch of troublemakers, hurling as many accusations as possible, in hopes that some or all of them will stick, even if they're patently contradictory. 

In a propoganda war like this, the government has always the upper hand because the opposition parties are deprived of free access to state TV and radio. 

Kulmiye party officials are expected to issue a press statement of some sort tomorrow. 
 
 
 Newsdesk

Somaliland Globe

SOMALIA: Somaliland in plea for food aid

SOMALIA: Somaliland in plea for food aid

HARGEISA, 29 June 2009 (IRIN) - The authorities in Somalia's self-declared republic of Somaliland have urged the international community to come to its aid to avert severe food shortages and hunger due to a prolonged drought in the region.

 Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, vice-president and chairman of the National Disaster Committee (NERAD), told a news conference in Hargeisa that Somaliland was experiencing the worst drought in decades.

 "All six regions of Somaliland are affected by the drought; and 40 percent of the [3.5 million] population or at least 1,400,000 people are affected," Yasin said.

 "We've called this drought 'Sima' [equalizer in Somali] because all regions are affected."

 Yasin said the region required urgent help in water trucking, the rehabilitation of boreholes, and the de-silting of `berkads' (water points) and dams. It also needed medicines and herds to be re-stocked.

 "Nutritional support for the weak and sick will be also necessary," he added.

 NERAD officials said the `Deyr' (short) and `Gu' (long) rains in Somaliland had been below normal since 2007 and this year's `Gu' rains were especially poor.

 FEWSNET warning

 In a statement issued on 28 June, the Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWSNET) said the cumulative effects of drought had resulted in a decline in reproduction rates and re-stocking for all species. With poor livestock body conditions, the number of saleable animals in local markets had declined, it said.

 The drought had also affected a significant number of urban households whose income and food sources are linked to the livestock trade.

 FEWSNET warned of a serious humanitarian catastrophe if no steps are taken to avert the shortages.

 According to local aid workers, those at most risk include the elderly and the disabled.

 "When the drought affected all regions, the problems for the vulnerable increased, particularly disabled people who were used to being looked after in urban centres," Roda Ahmed Yasin, a sanitation officer with the Danish Refugee Council (DRC), told IRIN.

 Ahmed Yasin said he had come across a number of families with disabled people who were finding it particularly difficult to cope: "Before the drought they could provide for them but now everybody has his own problems, compounded by pressure for help from relatives in the countryside," he said.

 maj/js/cb[END]


ETHIOPIA: Erratic rainfall threatens crop yields

-----Original Message-----
From: IRIN [mailto:no-reply@IRINnews.org]
Sent: 26 June 2009 11:02
To: Ahmed Arwo
Subject: ETHIOPIA: Erratic rainfall threatens crop yields

ETHIOPIA: Erratic rainfall threatens crop yields

ADDIS ABABA, 26 June 2009 (IRIN) - The late start of Ethiopia's wet season
and the unreliability of the rains could affect crop production this year
and increase the number of those in need of aid, officials said.

"The rainy season will start late particularly in the northeastern part of
our country," Prime Minister Meles Zenawi told reporters at his office on 24
June. "That means the cropping season for some types of crops may not be
appropriate this year."

Ethiopia produces 90-95 percent of its total cereal output during the main
rainy season, called 'meher', which runs from June to October.

According to the US Famine Early Warning Systems Network (Fews Net), the
`meher' crop season is likely to experience below normal rains. The `belg'
(early rains, February-June) season, which normally accounts for 5-10
percent of total cereal output, has also been unpredictable.

"Forecasts for rainfall during the main cropping season and in northern
pastoral areas are below normal, particularly in areas of the east where
production was poor this year, raising concerns that a serious food crisis
could emerge in Ethiopia over the next year," Fews Net said in a 24 June
statement.
[http://www.fews.net/docs/Publications/ethiopia_fsu_06_2009_final.pdf].

The late start of the early rains meant that only 50-70 percent of land
planned for planting was sown by mid-April, according to the World Food
Programme (WFP).

Fews Net said the lowland pastoral and marginal production areas in the
eastern regions had also received "below normal" rains.

Food crisis denied

Meles denied the country was facing a food crisis. "We have hundreds of
thousands of tons of wheat in our store houses here in Ethiopia."

However, according to aid workers, Ethiopia has almost five million people
requiring emergency food assistance.

A total of 7.5 million chronically food insecure people also receive
assistance through a social welfare scheme called the Productive Safety Nets
Programme.

To meet immediate needs, the Stakeholder Food Prioritization Committee has
asked the government to release 11,000 tons of cereals.

According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
(OCHA), the government's Disaster Risk Management Food Security Sector and
WFP also have 30,000 tons of food in the pipeline.

"However, this quantity covers only one third of the monthly requirement,"
OCHA said, adding that the food in the pipeline was likely to be available
only in late July or August due to congestion at Djibouti port.

"We have given priority to the transportation of fertilizers because we
need fertilizers now," Meles said. "But we have spare strategic reserve food
in our stores. So it does not make sense to prioritize transport of food
from the port at the expense of fertilizers. If [WFP] is facing any problem
in terms of transport... go to these [strategic reserve] warehouses and take
out loans to be replenished later when their food in the port is transported
to the country."

tw/eo/cb[END]

SOMALIA: Conflict timeline from 2000

OMALIA: Conflict timeline from 2000

NAIROBI, 29 June 2009 (IRIN) - Somalia has had no functioning government since January 1991, when former President Siad Barre was ousted.

 Since that time, fighting between Somali warlords, government forces and various alliances of Islamist insurgents has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Somalis and the displacement of hundreds of thousands.

 One of the boldest attempts to turn a new page in Somalia and end a famine was the US Restore Hope intervention in 1992, which however, ended in failure in October 1993.

 In the north, the former British protectorate of Somaliland declared its independence from the rest of Somalia in May 1991, and in 1998 the northeastern region of Puntland declared itself an autonomous state. Both regions have remained largely peaceful.

 Somalia timeline

 2 May 2000: Djibouti initiative in Arta sets up Somali National Peace Conference, attended by at least 2,000.

 26 August 2000: A 245-strong Transitional National Assembly, based on clan representation, elects Abdiqasim Salad Hasan as new president of Somalia.

 27 August 2000: President Hassan sworn in at inauguration ceremony in Djibouti.

 April 2001: The Somali Restoration and Reconciliation Council (SRRC), a grouping of southern factions opposed to the interim government, is formed in Ethiopia and announces its intention to form a rival national government within six months.

 November-December 2001: Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi brings together the TNG and some members of the SRRC and other faction leaders who sign the Nakuru agreement to end conflict.

 November 2001: USA freezes the funds of the main remittance bank - and the largest employer - al Barakaat, for suspected links with al-Qaeda.

 May 2002: Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, president of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, dies in a South African hospital and is replaced by his vice-president, Dahir Riyale Kahin.

 October 2002: Another reconciliation meeting, sponsored by the regional Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), opens in the Kenyan town of Eldoret.

 January 2004: Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, chairman of IGAD, brokers a deal, apparently resolves contentious issues.

 22 August 2004: A 275-member transitional parliament is inaugurated.

 15 September 2004: Shariff Hassan Sheikh Adan, a businessman, is elected Assembly speaker.

 10 October 2004: Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, 71, elected interim president by the transitional parliament.

 14 October 2004: Yusuf Ahmed is sworn in at a ceremony attended by several African heads of state in Nairobi.

 3 November 2004: Yusuf appoints Ali Muhammad Gedi prime minister.

 13 January 2005: Parliament approves Gedi's reconstituted, 90-member cabinet.

 6 February 2005: Parliament speaker, leading some 60 legislators, returns to Mogadishu and is welcomed by cheering crowds.

 9 February 2005: Gedi announces plans to start relocating from Nairobi to Mogadishu on 21 February.

 24 February 2005: President Yusuf and Prime Minister Gedi begin a week-long tour of Somalia - the first time they have stepped on Somali soil since Yusuf's election in October 2004.

 29 April 2005: Gedi flies to Mogadishu to meet MPs and ministers who insist the transitional government should be based in Mogadishu, and not Baidoa or Jowhar as proposed by the TFG.

 18 February 2006 - A group of Mogadishu-based warlords, led by Mohamed Qanyare, form the Alliance for Peace and Fight Against International Terrorism and confront the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC); several days of bloody clashes ensue.

 19-22 February 2006: Fighting forces thousands to flee Mogadishu, particularly the northern and southern suburbs.

 February 2006: Transitional parliament meets on Somali soil for the first time - in the northwestern town of Baidoa.

 March-May 2006: Hundreds killed and many more injured in Mogadishu during fierce fighting between UIC and warlords. It is the worst violence in almost a decade.

 June 2006 - Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed is named UIC chairman.

 July 2006: UIC defeats warlords, who flee from Mogadishu; UIC quickly moves to other parts of south-central Somalia.

 August 2006: Mogadishu airport re-opens for first time since 1995. UIC also re-opens Mogadishu port.

 July-December 2006: A semblance of peace and stability returns to Mogadishu for the first in over 15 years.

 December 2006: Ethiopian troops and TFG forces oust the UIC from Mogadishu and much of the south, capturing Mogadishu on 28 December. TFG President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and his government enter Mogadishu for the first time since his election in 2004.

 March 2007: The UIC and others opposed to the Ethiopian presence regroup and launch attacks on Ethiopian and government positions.

 March 2007: First African Union peacekeeping troops (AMISOM: Ugandans and Burundians) arrive in Mogadishu.

 April 2007: The fighting intensifies, forcing hundreds of thousands of people to flee Mogadishu - the biggest exodus the city has seen in 15 years. Hundreds are reported killed after several days of fierce clashes.

 September 2007: UIC remnants and other opposition groups meet in the Eritrean capital, Asmara, and form a new alliance, to fight the Ethiopians. The Alliance for the Reliberation of Somalia (ARS), led by Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, is formed.

 October 2007: Prime Minster Gedi resigns, after falling out with President Yusuf.

 November 2007: President Yusuf appoints Nur Hassan Hussein, also known as Nur Adde, as the new prime minister and immediately embarks on a process of reconciliation with the opposition.

 November 2007: The number of Somali refugees hits one million, with nearly 200,000 fleeing Mogadishu in two weeks (UN).

 June 2008: Government signs a three-month ceasefire with opposition ARS to halt fighting in Mogadishu. Part of the deal envisages Ethiopian troops leaving Somalia within 120 days, but the ceasefire is rejected by an ARS faction led by Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, who vows to continue fighting until all foreign forces, including AMISOM leave Somalia.

 December 2008 - President Abdullahi Yusuf tries to sack Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein over his attempts to draw the opposition into the government. Parliament declares the dismissal unconstitutional and passes a vote of confidence in Nur.

 December 2008: Yusuf resigns and Speaker Sheikh Aden Madobe becomes acting-president.

 January 2009: Ethiopian withdrawal completed. Al-Shabab militias take control of the southwestern town of Baidao, the former seat of the TFG, and capture senior government officials but later release them unharmed.

 January 2009: ARS faction led by Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed reaches power-sharing deal with TFG in Djibouti. However, the deal is rejected by another faction led by Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys. A new expanded parliament, including 275 MPs from the opposition ARS, is inaugurated in Djibouti.

 January 2009: Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed is elected by parliament to replace Yusuf and the transitional period is extended for two more years.

 13 February 2009: President Ahmed appoints Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, son of the former president, as the new prime minister.

 February 2009: Sheikh Sharif returns to Mogadishu to a warm welcome.

 May 2009 - Al-Shabab and Hisbul Islami Islamist insurgents launch a major attack on the government and quickly gain the upper hand as they attempt to overthrow the government.

 June 2009: Nearly 170,000 displaced from Mogadishu by end June and, according to local human rights groups, 397 killed, and 1,738 injured since 7 May.

 ah/cb[END]

27 June, 2009

Did Michael Jackson Die As A Muslim?

Did Michael Jackson Die As A Muslim?

The biggest news all over the world yesterday was the death of one of the most famous musical artists in recent history, Michael Jackson. As the hour long television specials, radio playlist tributes, and music video marathons already began on the same day, many Muslims are left wondering, "was Michael Jackson a Muslim?"

The short answer? It's hard to say.

The long answer? Initially it began with rumors years back that he had joined the Nation of Islam. On top of that, Jermaine Jackson, his brother, is a known and confirmed Sunni Muslim, which added another ingredient into the mix.

Then in November 2008, various news sources reported that Michael Jackson had officially accepted Islam, as he had been interested in it since 2005 with the help of his brother Jermaine. Other news sources claimed that Muslim artists Dawud Wharnsby and Idris Phillips were also involved in his acceptance and that they were present when he took the shahadah (testimony of faith), and even that he was also meeting with singer Yusuf Islam, the former Cat Stevens.

But since then, not much else had been said about his acceptance of Islam. What's more confusing is taking into account recent statements both Dawud Wharnsby and Yusuf Islam that not only were they not involved in the reported shahadah, neither of them has ever met the pop star.

Dawud: "For the record: Though our professional circles did cross-over slightly with various common professional acquaintances – I never had the honour or pleasure of meeting Micheal Jackson personally, nor did we ever correspond on matters of our professions, personal lives or faiths."

Yusuf: "Contrary to persistent press rumours, I was not at any kind of conversion ceremony for Michael Jackson. Nor, I believe, was Dawud Wharnsby or any of the others mentioned in connection with the story. Granted, I was in Los Angeles at the time these rumours first appeared – but I was busy filming a video for a new song, Boots & Sand."

Here in Chicago, after the congregation of the Isha prayer, the Imam of a local masjid mentioned that he called up Dr. Muzammil Siddiqui in California, former president of ISNA, in hopes of finding any confirmation on the day of Michael's death about his acceptance of Islam. Nothing was set in stone. With speculation having come up in the aftermath of his death, this is why I wish to bring it up here.

So the question is this: With no real answer (yet) as to whether Michael Jackson truly was a Muslim or not, what should be our position in regards to his death?

The answer is simple. Regardless of what the real answer is, we should hope he died Muslim. And that's not just because he's a celebrity or because we may have grown up listening to his hits, but because we as Muslims want the salvation of all mankind.

Islam is the best and most perfect way of life for all of humanity, and we want all manking to accept what we believe is the way to live mandated by God. And if that happens to be the most breakthrough artist in the history of pop music, then alhamdulillah, all praise be to God, may he be forgiven for all of his shortcomings.

If he's not, then we leave his fate with his Creator as is, and hope more people like him are guided to accept Islam and help in spreading the message to the masses. And until we have some clearer answers to our questions, I feel this is the position we need to have as Muslims. We pray that Allah (SWT) guides more people to Islam.

http://muslimmatters.org/2009/06/26/did-michael-jackson-die-as-a-muslim/#printpreview

Michael Jackson 'becomes a Muslim and changes name to Mikaeel'

Michael Jackson 'becomes a Muslim and changes name to Mikaeel

By Daily Mail Reporter
Last updated at 2:52 PM on 21st November 2008

Beleaguered pop star  has converted to Islam and changed his name to Mikaeel, it has been claimed today.

The 50-year-old singer, who has previously been photographed wearing a traditional Arab women's veil, reportedly became a Muslim in a ceremony at a friend's house in Los Angeles.

The singer, who was raised as a Jehovah's Witness, is said to have sat on the floor and worn a small hat while an imam officiated at the home of Steve Porcaro, who composed music on his Thriller album.


The way you Mecca me feel: Michael Jackson, pictured here wearing a traditional Arab women's veil in Bahrain in 2006, is said to have become a Muslim


Jackson

Artist formally known as Michael Jackson: The singer has changed his name to Mikaeel, it has been claimed

He is said to have been encouraged by Canadian songwriter David Wharnsby and Phillip Bubal, a producer, who both approached him after he appeared 'a bit down'.

A source told The Sun: 'They began talking to him about their beliefs, and how they thought they had become better people after they converted. Michael soon began warming to the idea.

'An imam was summoned from the mosque and Michael went through the shahada, which is the Muslim declaration of belief.'

His brother Jermaine Friday, previously hinted Jackson was considering converting to the religion.

'When I came back from Mecca I got him a lot of books and he asked me lots of things about my religion and I told him that it's peaceful and beautiful,' said Friday, who embraced the faith in 1989.

'He read everything and he was proud of me that I found something that would give me inner strength and peace.

'He could do so much, just like I am trying to do. Michael and I and the word of God, we could do so much.'

Meanwhile, Jackson is scheduled to give evidence in person at London's High Court to defend allegations that he owes an Arab sheikh £4.7 million.

His barrister, Robert Englehart QC, told Mr Justice Sweeney today that he was withdrawing his application for Jackson to give his evidence via video link from Los Angeles because of health fears.

'He has been cleared by his medical advisers to travel in two days' time,' he told the judge.

Jackson is expected to arrive in the UK over the weekend to give his evidence on Monday afternoon.


Michael Jackson 'converts to Islam and changes name to Mikaeel'

Michael Jackson 'converts to Islam and changes name to Mikaeel'

Michael Jackson has reportedly become a Muslim and changed his name to Mikaeel.

 
The singer, who was raised as a Jehovah's Witness, converted to Islam in a ceremony at a friend's house in Los Angeles.

He is said to have sat on the floor and worn a small hat while an imam officiated.

According to The Sun, the ceremony took place while Jackson, 50, was recording an album at the home of Steve Porcaro, a keyboard player who composed music on his Thriller album.

The former Jackson 5 star was counselled by David Wharnsby, a Canadian songwriter, and Phillip Bubal, a producer, who have both converted.

A source said Jackson had appeared a "bit down" and added: "They began talking to him about their beliefs, and how they thought they had become better people after they converted. Michael soon began warming to the idea.

"An imam was summoned from the mosque and Michael went through the shahada, which is the Muslim declaration of belief."

Last year his brother, Jermaine Friday, suggested Jackson would convert having taken an interest in Islam since Friday's conversion in 1989.

"When I came back from Mecca I got him a lot of books and he asked me lots of things about my religion and I told him that it's peaceful and beautiful," said Friday.

"He read everything and he was proud of me that I found something that would give me inner strength and peace.

"I think it is most probable that Michael will convert to Islam.

"He could do so much, just like I am trying to do. Michael and I and the word of God, we could do so much."

"Somalia: Militant Islamists Try to Draw Kenya Into a Trap",

"Somalia: Militant Islamists Try to Draw Kenya Into a Trap", 
Daniela Kroslak in allAfrica

26 June 2009
allAfrica

As Somalia's transitional government fights for its existence and the region's governments debate how to respond, guest columnist Daniela Kroslak argues strongly against another foreign military incursion. Instead what is needed, she writes, is more international investment in the political process aimed at re-orienting and broadening reconciliation efforts already under way.

Kenyan media have been abuzz in recent days with speculation that Nairobi and its allies in the region could be planning a military operation to prop up the fragile Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Mogadishu, which is under siege from militant Islamist factions led by Al-Shabaab.

Official rhetoric against the Somali Islamists has been hardening: Nairobi increasingly fears the TFG could collapse unless the international community provides it with additional troops to hold its ground.

The deadly suicide bombing in Beledweyne last week that killed the TFG's security minister, Omar Hashi – a key figure in the regime's military counter-offensive against Al-Shabaab – came as another shocking reminder of the group's capacity to undermine the interim government. In a sense, the TFG is fighting for its very survival. Resurgent militant Islamist groups are clearly bent on overthrowing the current regime. President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed has imposed a state of emergency to deal with these threats.

Despite the gravity of the current situation, the calls for foreign military intervention in Somalia are ill-advised. The TFG and its supporters have circulated dire warnings of a high number of foreign jihadi combatants in order to create panic about Somalia being on the verge of becoming another Afghanistan, the new den of international Al-Qaeda militants. This threat is supposed to also justify a foreign intervention.

Under Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, the former leader of the Islamic Courts Union who was elected president last February, the TFG has regained some legitimacy and holds potentially valuable keys to a political settlement. It is more representative of central and southern Somalia's populations and can probably articulate an Islamic vision for Somalia which will rally the support of its majority, contrary to the jihadists whose practice of Islam is foreign to the country.

Yet external military intervention is not the way forward.

Since the collapse of Siad Barre's regime in 1991, there have been several foreign incursions. Every single one of them exacerbated the conflict by increasing radicalisation and political polarisation. They reduced chances for political dialogue and helped militant groups to recruit. Al-Shabaab has grown in strength over the last two years largely because it used Ethiopia's intervention and the United States' bombing campaign to whip up nationalism and rally the clans around its banner.

A Kenyan intervention force -- alone or as part of a force by the regional Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) -- would only lead to the same result. In fact, Al-Shabaab, currently under siege politically, desperately wants such an intervention for those very reasons. The movement may be militarily triumphant, but its political message is increasingly challenged in south and central Somalia.

Militant Islamist factions in Somalia are taunting Kenya into a military intervention in the same way they taunted Ethiopia in 2006. Kenya should be wary of falling into the same trap.

Another possible threat which Kenya needs to weigh is the direct security implications stemming from such an intervention. Al-Shabaab's threat to strike Kenya, which could reasonably be dismissed as bravado, may become real. Al-Shabaab has honed its terror tactics and skills in recent years and is now by far the deadliest guerilla movement operating in the Horn.

Kenya should not get sucked into the Somalia conflict but concentrate on securing its borders and actively supporting its resolution.

What is needed today is more international investment in the political process aimed at re-orienting and broadening the United Nations-sponsored reconciliation efforts known as the "Djibouti process" to ensure as many militants and radicals as possible are reached and the necessary concessions made to ensure their buy-in.

Reaching out to moderates is not enough: peace will have to be made between Somalia's bitter enemies. This will be difficult, but it is not altogether impossible, as some suggest, and many channels of communications transit through Nairobi.

In the short run, rather than direct military intervention, efforts should concentrate on bolstering the TFG's military capacity through additional training, funding and the provision of new military equipment as part of an overall strategy to restore the balance of forces conducive to political negotiations.

The African Union peacekeeping mission should not become a direct party to the fighting but should be used only to secure strategic points essential to the reinforcement of the TFG. No foreign army should fight the Somalis' war; instead the TFG must be enabled to fight its own fight. This is what many Somali officials actually believe will be effective.

Nairobi's traditional pragmatist tendencies and the practice of using dialogue to resolve problems have not lost their currency. In fact, despite the belligerent tone of some official Somali declarations, provincial and local administration leaders are engaged with Al-Shabaab in a dialogue to resolve the problems of banditry, armed car-jacking and inter-clan tensions along Kenya's long border with Somalia, and they have effectively succeeded in managing the situation over the past year.

Now is not the time to beat the drums of a new regional invasion of Somalia but to invest in the political process that will provide an end to its decade long conflict.

Dr Daniela Kroslak is the Deputy Director of the Africa Program at the International Crisis Group.

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=6185&l=1

G-8 to Israel: end settlements, open borders

TRIESTE, Italy (AP) - A broad international coalition urged Israel on Friday to freeze all settlement activity in the West Bank and lift its blockade of the Gaza Strip, backing U.S. President Barack Obama's Mideast policy.

The Quartet of Mideast negotiators and foreign ministers of the Group of Eight industrialized nations took advantage of what the U.N. chief said was a «historic» opportunity with the new Obama administration in issuing nearly identical calls for the resumption of direct peace talks, an end to violence, and economic reconstruction for war-battered Gaza.


«We are now trying very hard to seize the very favorably created political atmosphere,» of Obama's election to push the peace process forward, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon told a news conference.
Israel has rejected demands that it halt all settlement building, saying it must accommodate «natural growth» in the Israeli enclaves.
However both the G-8 and the Quartet _ the United States, Russia, European Union and United Nations _ urged Israel to freeze all settlement activity, including natural growth, with the quartet also urging it to dismantle settlement outposts erected since March 2001.
It was the first Quartet meeting since Obama came to office, held on the sidelines of a meeting of the G-8 foreign ministers in this picturesque Adriatic port on Italy's northeastern coast. At the G-8 meeting, ministers also said they deplored the postelection violence in Iran and urged the Tehran authorities to ensure the will of the Iranian people is reflected in the electoral outcome.
The G-8 meeting was to tackle the Afghanistan situation later Friday and Saturday.
Originally, Iran had been invited to attend the Afghan sessions, part of host Italy's aim to involve all regional players in discussions. But Rome rescinded its invitation following the crackdown on protesters, and the focus of the G-8 summit Friday shifted to criticizing the crackdown and pressing forward with Mideast peace.


The G-8 and Quartet called for an immediate and «sustained reopening» of Gaza's crossing points to ensure a regular flow of people, as well as humanitarian and commercial goods into the isolated territory. While recognizing Israel's «legitimate security concerns,» the Quartet said enabling movement of and access for Palestinians was «critical.
Gaza's borders were closed by Israel and Egypt after the takeover two years ago of the territory by Hamas, considered a terrorist organization by the West. Hamas has repeatedly fired rockets from Gaza on Israeli border towns, setting off a three-week war by Israel on Gaza's Hamas leaders in the winter.
Israel has allowed some humanitarian aid and food supplies into Gaza, but the reconstruction of Gaza's war damage, including thousands of damaged or destroyed homes, is on hold because Israel won't allow in cement or other building materials.
The call of both the Quartet and the G-8 for a settlement freeze signaled broad international support for Obama's Mideast policy.
The Bush administration had accepted the need for some settlement growth, something the Palestinians long rejected.
But just last week, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton reiterated that the United States wanted a halt to settlement activity in the West Bank, saying no informal agreement that Israel may have reached with the Bush administration was valid. Clinton was speaking after a meeting with Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, who said he wanted the Bush administration understandings to remain.
The United States and Israel have at least publicly given no ground in their opposing views, though Israeli officials say they are trying to find a formula agreeable to Washington that would allow at least limited construction.
The U.S. special Mideast peace envoy, George Mitchell, denied the United States and Israel were heading in opposite directions under Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.


«The United States and Israel are close friends and allies,» Mitchell said Friday.
In discussions with Israeli officials as well as the Palestinians and Arab leaders, «there may be some difference of opinions, but we discuss them not as a controversy among adversaries but as a discussion among friends,» he said at a news conference after the Quartet meeting.
The settlement issue is a major obstacle both to the resumption of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations and to an eventual peace deal. Nearly 300,000 Israelis live in West Bank settlements, along with 180,000 Israelis in Jewish neighborhoods of east Jerusalem. The Palestinians seek both areas, captured by Israel in the 1967 Mideast war, as parts of a future state. Earlier this month, Netanyahu grudgingly yielded to Obama's demand that Israel endorse the idea of a Palestinian state, albeit with a host of conditions the Palestinians reject.


But he rejected U.S. pressure for a settlement freeze.
The Quartet's special representative, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, said the political push for a two-state solution had to be accompanied by changes on the ground, including an end to settlements and economic reconstruction for Gaza.
«The best way to ensure that Gaza is part of the solution and does not remain the problem is that we help the people,» Blair said. «You can never separate the politics and the security and the economics. They go together.
In the statement, the Quartet welcomed plans by Israel to promote Palestinian economic development and called for «robust and sustained» financial support of the Palestinian Authority. It demanded the Palestinians commit themselves to nonviolence and recognize Israel.
Ban, the U.N. chief, said there was a «historic» opportunity for Mideast peace, praising Obama's «powerful, visionary» speech delivered in Cairo earlier this month. Obama called for a new beginning between the United States and Muslims to confront violent extremism and to advance Mideast peace.
The European commissioner for foreign relations, Benita Ferrero-Waldner, concurred.
«With the new Obama administration ... there is a new possibility of engagement. That has to be used. That is the way forward,» she said. 


26 June, 2009

The Metamorphosis of Sheikh Sharif…….!

The Metamorphosis of Sheikh Sharif…….!
by Mohamed Heebaan
June 26, 2009

Having benefited from the experience and the successful strategy of 'buy-the-leaders', and then divide and conquer that they used against the Sunni Resistance in Iraq, the US decided to employ the same strategy against the Somali Islamists.  The favorite target of the divide strategy had been Sheikh Sharif, the hero of the Mogadishu Revolution! 

Amin Amir, the renowned Somali cartoonist, and one of the most perceptive observers of Somali politics, understood how Sheikh Sharif was being courted, and he underlined that in a famous cartoon that he published right after Mogadishu fell to the invading Tigreans.  The said cartoon showed the fighters of the Islamic Courts all drowning, and each and everyone of them hopelessly fighting for survival, except one man, Sheikh Sharif, who was leaving behind the drowning Islamists, and was treading on fine thread, cautiously heading to the safety and to the side of the Americans!  The thinness of the thread that Sheikh Sharif was walking on, and the fact that the Americans were holding the thread with one finger suggested the precarious nature of Sheikh Sharif's position.  This was of course a cartoon, but cartoons reflect reality.  Whether or not the Sheikh ever paused for a moment, and thought about how he was being courted, targeted, and won over is an open question. 

Though he crossed to the safety, Sheikh Sharif continued the struggle, not in the battle field, but in the jungle of politics.  Even though the way he became president was somewhat questionable, and the role he played divided the Resistance into two camps, Asmara camp and the Djibouti camp, still Sheikh Sharif's stature and integrity were largely intact until he became president in Feb. 2009. 

When Sheikh Sharif was becoming a president, the presidential office wasn't vacant.  It was occupied.  But the occupant, Abdullahi Yusuf, fell out of favor with the colonialists he served, and their masters who paid them.  And since Abdullahi Yusuf was never supported by the Somali people, hardly anyone shed any tears for him.  The humiliating and the unceremonious way in which their man was sent off enraged some of Abdullahi Yusuf's supporters, but there was nothing they could do about it.  At any rate, prompted perhaps by a guilty conscious they had been secretly nursing for their support of the enemy that destroyed the peace and the stability in Mogadishu and Southern Somalia, some of Abdullahi Yusuf's ardent supporters found a silver-lining in Sheikh Sharif's ascendancy: Now they said, 'The only difference between Sheikh Sharif and Abdullahi Yusuf is the names of their clan lineages.'  Meaning Sheikh Sharif is just as bad as Abdullahi Yusuf! 

This was not true.  On the day that Sheikh Sharif became president, the comparison between him and Abdullahi  Yusuf could not have been starker.  On one side we have Abdullahi  Yusuf, a man with a bloody past, and dubious distinction of being the first Somali officer ever to cross to the enemy, and whole heartedly worked with Ethiopia, and effectively saw the first seeds of the destruction of the Somali nation! 

On the other side, we have Sheikh Sharif, a man with a clean slate, who neither killed nor terrorized anyone, and who, at the same time, happened to be the charismatic hero of the Mogadishu Revolution—A turning point in Somali history whose profound impact will enlighten and inspire generations of Somalis to come!   

Unfortunately for Sheikh Sharif, and unfortunately for the Somali people, the hero who had everything going his way squandered everything in just short six months!  When Sheikh Sharif started relying for his safety and security on the African Mercenaries in Mogadishu just like Abdullahi Yusuf, and denounced Somali Resistance fighters as Al-Qaida and foreign terrorists just like Abdullahi Yusuf, and allied himself with the notorious Mogadishu warlords just like Abdullahi Yusuf, and threw his lot and loyalty with Ethiopia just like Abdullahi Yusuf, and went one step ahead and gave Somalia's territorial waters to Kenya UNLIKE Abdullahi Yusuf, and called upon Ethiopia to invade and occupy Somalia just like Abdullahi Yusuf, Somalis were simply shocked and dumbfounded!  Are we dealing with Sheikh Sharif, or an imposter operating in his name? 

Because the two leaders were starkly different in terms of their past and personalities, the impact they had on the Somali scene was naturally expected to be quite different.  But in a rather queer and ironic way, Sheikh Sharif's impact on our nation turned out to be far more destructive than Abdullahi Yusuf's!   

This isn't because Abdullahi Yusuf was somehow a misunderstood patriot who achieved things people didn't give him credit for.  He is far from patriot, and he achieved nothing.  But it was because there was low expectation or perhaps no expectation associated with whatever Abdullahi Yusuf said or did.  So if the Colonel made a blunder or even committed a treasonous act, people didn't feel let down, simply because no one expected any good from Ethiopia's favorite warlord!   Somalis didn't trust Abdullahi Yusuf and never let their guard down.  The unity and the solidarity of the Resistance was as solid as a rock.  And the overwhelming  majority of the Somalis from Zeilac and Borama to Kismaayo and Raskiyamboni either supported the Resistance with muscle and material or prayed for  its success and victory.  Under Abdullahi Yusuf, the issue was clear.  On one side, there was the enemy and its stooges, and on the other side, there was the Resistance and the general public that wholeheartedly supported it.  There was no confusion! 
 

But with Sheikh Sharif it was different.  There was a high expectation associated with whatever he said or did.  That is why Sheikh Sharif's mistakes disappoint, and his blunders devastate!  In addition, under Sheikh Sharif's stewardship the issue of armed Resistance took a disastrous turn!  Because Sheikh Sharif was popular and was a part of the Resistance, his association with the Ethiopia and with the enemy camp divided the people and divided the Resistance.  Creating division among Resistance fighters is the biggest disaster that can happen to any people fighting for the liberation of  their country.

The mere fact that the enemy possesses superior fire power does not lead to the defeat of the Resistance.  Freedom fighters are usually defeated when they become demoralized and give up!  And nothing demoralizes Resistance fighters as quickly as a division among its fighters that leads the comrades in the struggle to turn their guns against one another! 

The unity of purpose and the solidarity of the Resistance that our people enjoyed under Abdullahi Yusuf's worst days are now gone!  And today, former comrades in arms that shared the same bunker are now killing one another.  Thanks to Sheikh Sharif!  People are depressed.  Confusion is everywhere!  The only ones content with the mayhem in Mogadishu are Sheikh Sharif's new friends: the Tigrean regime and its overseas masters! 

Somewhere in Yemen or wherever else he may be living in nowadays, Abdullahi Yusuf is laughing, and is having a blast!  The news of Sheikh Sharif openly calling for Ethiopia to invade Somalia must be music to Mr. Yusuf's ears!  Nothing gratifies an unpopular leader than seeing his successor screw up as bad, or even worse than he did.  This is a phenomenon that exists in all countries and societies. 

Years after he left office, Ed Koch the unpopular mayor of New York City declared, "The best thing that ever happened to me was I was succeeded by David Dinkins and Rudy Guiliani!" I don't quite recall the particulars of Mr. Dinkins unpopularity, but Guiliani's was everywhere.  Few days before he left office and up to the 10th of Sep. 2001 Guiliani's reputation was in the gutter. He was so unpopular that his political and family life were both in shambles, so much so that he was forced to abandon his life long dream of running for the US senate.  Needless to say the bad things got for Guiliani, Ed koch looked better by default!(After Sep.11, tragedy, Guiliani received a superficial, yet carefully orchestrated heroism, for the news conferences he held right after the tragedy struck.  It made him look good on paper, but his appeal was manufactured!) 

In the last days of the Somali government, the late Mohamed Siyad Barre was so reviled by all Somalis that people never expected there could possibly be anyone worse than he.  But in a short period of time, the notorious Mogadishu warlords eclipsed Mr. Barre's horrendous legacy!  Disgusted with the mayhem they created, and the nightmare that the Mogadishu warlords put the Somali people through, Abshir Bacadle, the prominent Somali poet, composed a poem in which says among other things, "The old man should be recalled back to office, with thanks and prayers!" 

And so it is with Sheikh Sharif and Abdullahi Yusuf.  Every blunder by the Sheikh Sharif chips away Abdullahi Yusuf's enormous negativity.  And speaking of blunders, Sheikh Sharif's approval of forfeiting Somalia's territorial waters to Kenya makes him complicit in treachery, and certainly makes Abdullahi Yusuf look good by comparison! 

In conclusion, true reconciliation between warring parties is a must!  But for the reconciliation to work, foreign interference and influence must be put at bay.  We Somalis have shown that we are at our best when we are free of foreign interference, and foreign meddling.  The Mogadishu Revolution, one of the most uplifting events in Somali history, in which Somalis, and Somalis alone, have accomplished, in just six months, what we could not achieve in 16 years of foreign help, foreign interference, and foreign conferences is a good example of this.  Therefore for the reconciliation to start on the right foot, foreign forces must be sent home. 

The Biggest Obstacle to Reconciliation: 

The biggest obstacle to peace and reconciliation between warring factions is Sheikh Sharif's strange attachment to the African Mercenaries in Mogadishu, and, by extension, to the masters who sent the mercenaries to Somalia in the first place.   For Sheikh Sharif, this is a red-line that he is not willing to cross!   

So the nagging question becomes, why on earth is Sheikh Sharif insisting on the presence of African Mercenaries in Mogadishu?  This is a critical question, and its answer will shed some light on Sheikh Sharif's ever shifting priorities.  The answer to that important question is this:  Sheikh Sharif's attachment to the African Mercenaries is NOT a matter of necessity, but a matter of loyalty.  That is, Sheikh Sharif isn't worried about that if he sent the mercenaries out, he and his cabinet members, and parliamentarian colleagues will be slaughtered by the Resistance.  NO.  He is not worried about that, because he knows if he makes a pledge to send the mercenaries out within, say, one month, Mogadishu will be peaceful again, just as it was during the Revolution.

Therefore the subsequent question becomes, if the Sheikh isn't worried for his safety and for the safety of his colleagues after the mercenaries depart from Mogadishu, what compels him to insist on their presence and makes him so beholden and attached to the African mercenaries? 

The answer is that Sheikh Sharif knows if he kicks the African Mercenaries out, he will anger Addis Ababa and Washington!  And therefore he doesn't want to offend the sensibilities of those who put him in the office that he is holding today.  In other words, for the Sheikh, the issue is a matter of loyalty.  That is, a loyalty to Addis Ababa and Washington! 

Differently put, Sheikh Sharif's priorities have shifted so drastically and so dramatically that, to him, whatever will please Addis Ababa and Washington is a top priority!  And anything that may anger them is a red-line that he is not willing to cross!   

Now even though the expulsion of the African Mercenaries from Mogadishu will be hugely beneficial for the Somali people and will restore peace, it will also outrage both Addis Ababa and Washington.  So for Sheikh Sharif, instead of running the risk of angering Addis and Washington, he is willing to send Mogadishu and the entire Southern Somalia to hell, and to perpetual civil war!  What a metamorphosis indeed! 
 

For all the divisions he created, and the many blunders he made in just few months, Sheikh Sharif, once a hero, is now a damaged goods!  His stature shrunk so low.  And he has very little credibility left.  The best option for the Sheikh and for the country would be for him to resign and leave office.  But unless he starts listening to sincere counsel from anyone willing to offer, all the indications are the Sheikh will continue treading on the path of self-and-national destruction!  

FINAL THOUGHTS: 

The Resistance, the Elders, and the Scholars…. 

The leaders of the Resistance Should and must be flexible when it comes to reconciliation. To that end, the leaders of the Resistance should reach out, work with, and accommodate the elders' initiatives and proposals.  Resistance leaders should also focus on the bigger picture and make their goals achievable, and their demands reasonable.  In this regard, two particular points are crucially important for the Resistance and for the country, and they are: 

1—The expulsion of African Mercenaries out of the country. 

2—The nullification of the treacherous agreement that gave Kenya Somalia's territorial waters. 

----The expulsion of the mercenaries is important because true and successful reconciliation depends on their expulsion.  The only time that the people of Mogadishu got reprieve from violence, and tasted real peace and stability was the time the agents of foreign powers (i.e. the Mogadishu warlords) were crushed and kicked out of Mogadishu!  And so long that foreign mercenaries remain in the country, the flame of violence and perpetual civil war, in one form or another, will continue. 

----The nullification of the treacherous agreement is crucial because this is an issue of national significance that touches the pulse of all Somalis. 

----The Mogadishu Elders have played a crucial role both in the peace Revolution, and afterwards the Resistance to the Ethiopian occupation.  The importance of their role, their unity, and their wisdom cannot be emphasized enough.  So if their role was crucial yesterday, today theirs is just as critical.  The elders should keep in mind and should make it clear to Sheikh Sharif and to his ministers that the African Mercenaries in Mogadishu are cancer in the Somali body.  So long the mercenaries are there, peace in Mogadishu will always be up in the air.  The African Mercenaries are mutation of Mogadishu warlords, but in foreign uniforms.

----Somalia's Religious Scholars have a role to play, if they can figure out what it may be.  The conflict between the warring factions in Mogadishu has given our religious scholars a perfect opportunity to try their hand, but so far success has eluded them.  If they really want to undertake a reconciliation project between the two groups, they should think carefully and critically about the issues at hand, and not fall for or take empty statements at face value.  In this regard, the scholars should be even handed, and make one strong demand on each side.  For instance, they can ask the Sheikh Sharif's government to kick the mercenaries out of the country, and on the Resistance they can make any demand of equivalent importance that Sheikh Sharif wants to get from the Resistance.  That could be the start.  
 
 

Mohamed Heebaan

E- mail: mohamed19456@hotmail.com