A Message to KULMIYE 2nd Convention: Hargaysa Somaliland

30 March 2008

By Dr. Abdishakur JowharMarch 30, 2008 — I am not a member of your party, but like all Somalilanders I am praying for your success. And I pray for our nation to be blessed with strong leaders and stronger political parties that can keep us free from the darkness of one party state and ugliness and primitiveness of a Personality Cult.

I have followed your convention with pride and interest as you tackled the crucial undertaking of proofing your democratic credentials. You need no reminders that our people are desperate for you to come out of this bitter political contest stronger, more united and more determined than ever before. It is clear from the magnificent and free exchanges of opinion in your convention that you are wise to the tsunami of failed elections, conflict, mass displacement and massive loss of human life and human dignity that has swept lately over our unfortunate continent. Darkness at noon is fast approaching. And I am hopeful you will pay heed to the point or two that I make, as you try to save our nation from its own folly. What I say here maybe elementary but the times are such that clarity of thought is more necessary than ever before and I will readily take the risk of appearing mundane even elementary.

Violence and the State

The people of Somaliland have come to a basic consensus that the state must have total monopoly on the use of violence. The state, and the state alone, has the legitimate right to use force. There is of course profound implications for this Somaliland consensus and it is this: In their wisdom our people are willing to accept oppression over insurrection; any state over statelessness; and a bad government over no government at all. The nightmare that haunts this nation is the emergence of the deadly menace of chaos, anarchy and its twin sister the ascendency of the tribal monster. KULMIYE surely gets this for it is top echelons, including my political mentor and friend Tol LAAWE, have previously carried the spear of the nation as they volunteered to pay the ultimate price for the glorious armed liberation, for the freedoms we enjoy, and for the peace we have. KULMIYE knows this and we need to hear it from them again and again.
Free and Fair Elections

The people of Somaliland are not asking for much from their leadership; whether it is those in power or in the opposition. All they ever want in this fateful hour of the story of their nationhood is nothing more than a Free, Fair, Transparent and Legitimate Elections. This is the one central mission of the government of the day. And I pray that our president, Dahir Rayaale Kaahin will succeed in carrying out this task diligently, honestly and with due care and consideration for the future of this fragile nation.

The opposition political parties, including KULMIYE, have one central mission too: to ensure that our government carries out the monumental task of preparing the nation for Free and Fair elections BEFORE THE ELECTIONS ARE HELD. KULMIYE must know that the day of the elections will be already too late to ensure its fairness and legitimacy and that the day after the elections is nothing but water under the bridge.

As a first step towards this goal Somaliland's political opposition must come to a consensus that the THREE PILLARS of a Free and Fair Elections are met by our state before any elections are held:

1. A Truly Independent Electoral Commission backed by credible dispute settlement mechanism (if I am not mistaken the Supreme Court of Somaliland has given up any credibility to function in this role for reasons the public understands clearly and that are beyond the scope of this message).
2. Unequivocal, Unapologetic Free press: Including freedom in the airwaves of the nation; and an independent broadcasting commission that takes full and total control over the national radio and broadcasting service and that is based on the model of the BBC or similar independent news organizations or on the model of the Somaliland Electoral Commission.
3. A Neutral Government Apparatus that is removed completely from the capacity and the temptation of influencing the outcome of the elections to the complete satisfaction of all the political parties in contention.

And the simple test of all: The consensus by all the political parties that these conditions are met. Failure of the opposition political parties to apply this test or their failure to act NOW on its results will be tantamount to a national betrayal. KULMIYE must know this!

Adopt the Ways of QARAN; Avoid Fool's Peace

The consequences of the long and illegal incarceration of the leaders of QARAN Political Movement are not limited to the emergence of a new force in this nation's political landscape. It has also profound implications for the political process in this nation. The leaders of QARAN has shown clearly that in Somaliland peaceful protest and acceptance of imprisonment and incarceration is a political action strategy that is more powerful and that is an effective alternative to armed insurrection. KULMIYE must evolve, learn and adapt the rich harvest of QARAN to remain relevant and effective

We are blessed with a weak state that can be challenged and shaped and corrected more readily than most. At the same time we are cursed with a weak state that is fragile and that must be handled with care. What our government needs from its opposition is massive SHOW OF FORCE to encourage it to meet the prerequisites of free and fair elections, right NOW before the elections. KULMIYE must reject our government's offer of a Fool's Peace now and Old Man Chaos with its inherent blood and gore after the election. KULMIYE must learn in this auspicious convention that the time for peaceful, measured and progressively escalating political action is not tomorrow but today.

KULMIYE must learn the ways of QARAN to speak for the nation, to lead the nation in protest, to suffer for the nation in the prisons of the state and to deliver for the nation a FREE and FAIR ELECTION whose results could be supported by both the winner and the loser and by international public opinion who would become the arbiter of last resort. And if our government is incapable, or God forbid unwilling, to deliver such an election then a way must be found for them to get out of the nation's kitchen precisely as QARAN called for and in their place a government of technocrats with only the one mandate of making Free and Fair Elections possible must take its place.
I sign off here with the nostalgia of your slogan in the days of the struggle

GUUL IYO GOBANIMO!

Abdishakur Jowhar

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

Dimuqraadiyada Kulmiye iyo Dictaatooriyada UDUB Waa Kaaf iyo Kala Dheeri

Dimuqraadiyada Kulmiye iyo Dictaatooriyada UDUB Waa Kaaf iyo Kala Dheeri

March 23rd, 2008

Ali Gulaid

Shirweynihi KULMIYE waxa la qabanayaa bisha March 29 – 31 ee sannadkan 2008 waana lagu tartamayaa. Tartan daayoo Shirweynihii UDUB oo wakhtigiisii dhaafay laba sanno iyo dheeraad cidi ma hadalheyso. Sida xisbiga UDUB looga bartay cidda tidhaahda Riyaalaanu isla soo sharaxeynaa xisbigaba waa laga saara sidii ku dhacday Dr. Cabdi Aw Daahir. Maantana kuma ayaa talow UDUB laga sari doonaa? Ma Axmed Yuusuf Yaasin ayuu noqon; ma Saleebaan Gaal ayuu noqon; ma Cabdilahi Darawal ayuu noqon mise kuwa kale. Dhagtaado ha taagnaato. Dimuqraadiyda KULMIYE iyo Dictaatooriyada UDUB Waa Kaaf iyo Kala Dheeri.

Dimuqraadiyada KULMIYE aan idiin balbalaadhiyo. Sida dadka daneeya siyaasada Somaliland aay la socdaan xisbiga KULMIYE dhexdiisa waxa ka jira loolan ku waajahan ciddi ku guuleysan laheyd jagooyinka kala ah: Jagada Madaxweynaha, ta Ku-xigenkiisa iyo hogaanka xisbiga shanta (5) sanno ee soo socda. Hadaba dadkii arrimaha daneynaayay waxa aay is weydiinayaan shirweynihii KULMIYE maxaa dib u riday iyo su'aalo kale oo la mid ah. Sidaa awgeed waxa aay ila noqotay ina aan a) iftiimiyo culeyska ku gadamaan hawsha qabanqaabada shirweynaha iyo b) dariiqada uu KULMIYE u raacay sidii aay dariiqada (process) lagu soo kala saaraayo murashaxiinta aay u noqoto mid aan mugdi ku jirin (transparent) oo xor ah oo xalaal ah ( free & fair).

Hadaba si nuxurkuna aanu u baahin waxa aan isku koobaaya labada jago ee kala ah ta Madaxweynaha iyo ku-xigeenkiisa aniga oo culeyska saari doona ina uu qoraalkani ka jawaabu su'aalo soo noqnoqonaaya oo ay ka mid yiheen: Qabanqaabada shirweynaha dariiqee loo maray? Ergooyinka (delegates) shirweynaha ka soo qeyb geleya sidii loo soo xulayaa? yaa se soo xulaaya? Labada murashax siddi loo soo dooranayaa? yaa se soo dooranaaya? Kulmiye yaa u sharaxan? Shuruudaha ku xidhani waa maxay? Shirweeynihi xisbiga maxa dib u dhigay? Siiraanyo shanttan sanno ka dib ma isa soo sharixi doona? Labada jagaba ma loo tartamayaa? IWM

Dariiqadee (process) Loo Maray Qabanqaabinta Shirweynaha

Si xisbigu shirweynihiisii uu u qabsado waxa loo saaray laba gudi oo lagu kala magacaabay a) gudida QABANQAABADA iyo b) gudida MARJACA. Gudida qabanqaabada waxa aay ka koobnaayeen ila afartan (40) oo isugu jirra rag iyo dumar, aqoonyahanu, xildhibaanu iyo madax kale oo ka soo kala jeeda gobolada. Waxaana loo xilsaaray ina aay soo darsaan talana ka soo jeediyaan a) tirada ergooyinka shirweynaha ka soo qeybgelaaya b) sida ergooyinka loo soo xulaayo c) cabiraada dhaqaalaha shirweynaha ku bixi doona d) dib u eegista, wax ka bedelka iyo soo diyaarinta xeerka xisbiga iyo e) soo diyaarinta barnamijka xisbgu wadanka ku maamuli doono (Political Manifesto), IWM

Gudida MARJACA oo ka koobneyd inta badan golaha fulinta waxa loo xilsaaray ina aay talada aay gudida qabanqaabado soo jeediso aay ansixiyaan, waxna ka badeli karan waxna ku dari karaan. Wixii aay labada gudi isla gartaana aay hor geeyaan madasha shirweynaha oo iyago ansixn kara, waxna ka bedeli kara waxna ku kordhin kara.

Ergooyinka Sidee Loo Qeybiyay

Ergooyinka waxa loo qeybiyay guud ahaan gobolo dabeetana degmooyin dabeetana xaafado marka hoos loo sii dhaadhaco. Qeybtana waxa lagu saleeyay oo uugu mudneyd codkii uu xisbigu ka helay gobolada, degmoyinka iyo xaafadaha saddexdii doorasho (dawlada hoose, tii madaxtooyada iyo tii baarlamanka ) oo la isku celceliyay (average).

Markii sidaa wax lagu qeybiyay waxa soo baxay dhaliilo badan waxaana la ogaadaey wixii shaleyto wax lagu kala helay iyo waxa maanta yaala ina aay aad u kala fogyiheen oo gobol amba degmo amba xaafad aan shaleyto xisbiga looga codeyn ina aay maanta xisbiga soo galeen amba meelihii aan laga codeyn berigee hore maanta xisaabta lagu daro. Sida awgeed waxa la goostay ina gogosha la fidiyo. Dabeeto waxa la go'aansaday lix (6) ardaa oo kale ina mid walba qeyb meel loo dhigo. Lixdaa qeybood oo kala ah 1) Meelihii aan dorashaba ka dhicin sida Sool 2) Goboladee aanu xisbigu cod weyn ka helin oo ergooyinka loo kordhiyo sida Oodwyne 3) Gobolka Seylac oo in kasta oo sanaadiiq la geeyay codeyntii qaadacay khaasatan tii baarlamanka 4) dumarka iyo dhalin yarada oo iyaga si gaar ah loo xishmeeyay 5) dadka la haybsooco iyo 6) Qurba jooga

Waxa kale oo iyana la is la qaatay xilka aay xisbiga u hayaan awgeed ina (1) xildhibaanada iyo (2) hogaanka xisbiga oo ila lix ku dhaw (Gudoomiyaha, labada ku-xigeen, xoghayaha IWM) iyo gudomiyayaasha lixda gobol aay si calaa-duul ah ku soo galaan ergooyinka iyo gudida dhexeba (supper delegates). Waxa xusid mudan cidda qudha ee xil aay xisbiga u hayaan wax lagu siiyay ina aay intaa tahey. Metalan Canab Cumar Ileeye oo ah gudoomiyaha garabka haweenka, Muusa Bixi Cabdi oo xisbiga u qaabilsan nabadgelyada (Security shadow minister), Maxamed Kaahin oo ah afhayeenka xisbiga, Maxamed Cabdi Iskeerse oo qaabilsan maaliyada (Finance shadow minister) iyo qaar kale o badan oo uu ka mid yahey Axmed Xuseen Ciise oo qabilsan arimaha dibada (Foreign shadow Minister) midna xilka aay hayaan wax laguma siinin.

Cabashadii qeybtu halkaa kuma dhamaan. Hadaan idin xasuusiyo waxa xeerka xisbiga ka mid ah qofka xisbiga iska soo sharaxayaa waa ina uu xubin ka noqdaa golaha dhexe. Waxa soo baxday ina murashaxiinta QAAR KA MID ihi inna qeybaha wax lagu qeybiyay ee kor ku xusan oo dhan aanay midna ku soo geli karin ergooyinka/golha dhexe. Sababtu waxa weeyi ninka taageerayaashiisu xisbiga u codeeyeen ee ku lahaa doorashadii baarlamanka murashax cod helay (amba ha soo baxo amba yaanu soo bixine) ee uu qofkii murashaxa ahaa ku soo darro ergooyinka/golaha dhexe amba ka midka ah lixda qeybood aan kor ku xusay ee sida gaarka ah qeybta loo siiyay ayuunbaa soo geli kara. Haddaba markii la ogaaday inna nin ka mid ah murashaxiinta aay taageerayaashiisu u codeeyeen xildhibaankiisiina ka soo baxay xisbiga UDUB waay ku cadaatay KULMIYE waayo murashax xisbigii doorasho ka doonaaya oo taageerayaashiisii aay UDUB yihiin waxa ay noqotay af-kala qaad. Hadaba sida loo maareeyay waxa aan ku sharxi qodobka golaha dhexe ee la soco.

Xilka Ergooyinka

Tirada ergooyinka ka soo qeyb galaaya shirweynaha waxa aay ku bilaabantay markii hore saddex-boqol iyo kow iyo todobaatan (371) haddana waxa aay mareysaa in ku dhaw shan boqol (500). Dadka had iyo jeer yidhaahda shirweynhii KULMIYE maxaa ku dhacay waxa aay u heystaan ina labada murashax (nominee) lagu soo dooranaayo shirweynaha. Sida uu qoraayo xeerka xisbigu shirweynaha lagu soo dooran maayo labada murashax ee waxa soo dooranayaa golaha dhexe. Xilka ergooyinka (shirweynaha) waxa uugu muhiimsan saddex arrimood oo kala ah 1) ina aay soo doortaan golaha dhexe ee iyago soo doorandoona labada murashax 2) ina aay ansixiyaan xeerka iyo barnaamijka xisbiga iyo 3) ina aay doortaan hogaanka sarre e xisbiga sida gudoomiyaha, ku-xigenada, xoghaye IWM.

Soo Xulida Ergooyinka

Soo xulida Ergooyinka waxa iska kaashaday madaxda gobolka, kuwa degmada, kuwa xaafadaha oo uu hormod ka yahay gobol walaba murashaxii laga soo sharaxay (amba hasoo baxo amba yaanu soo bixini); Waxaana ansixiyay gudida qabanqaabada. Gobolada iyo cidda aan xildhibaanu laheyn waxa soo xulaaya ciddi uuga qeyb gashay wada hadalada

Labada Murashax Yaa Soo Dooranaaya iyo Arrimaha Golaha Dhexe

Labada murashax (nominee) wax soo dooranaaya golaha dhexe. Golaha dhexana waxa lagu soo dooranaayo shirweynaha waxaanu ka koobanyahay ilaa iyo 150 qof. Golaha dhexe waa ina uu ku fadhiistaa bil gudaheed (within a month) marka la soo doorto si uu u soo doorto labada murashax. Hadaba sidii aan kor ku xusay ninka u sharaxan jagada Madaxweynaha, ta Kuxi-keenka amba hogaanka sare e xisbiga (gudoomiyaya iyo IWM) waxa waajib ah sida ku qayaxan xeerka xisbiga ina uu ka mid noqdo golaha dhexe. Taasi waxa aay dhibaatu ku keentay murashaxii taagarayaashiisu UDUB u codeeyeen. Hadaba markii uu xisbigu yaqiinsaday ina murashaxiinta mid ka mid ihi ina aanu golaha dhexe ku soo gele karin sida wax lagu qeybsaday dib ayaa la isugu noqday waxana la soo jeediyay ina si gaar ah xubinnimo golaha dhexe looga siiyo murashaxaasi si uu tartanka uuga qeyb galo. Taasi waxa aay noqotay mid horleh hase yeesho e waa la isla wada qaatay.

Jagada Madaxweynaha Yaa U Sharaxan

Aan idiin horeysiiyo Madaxweynaha iyo Ku-xigeenkisa laba jeer ayaa loo kala codeynayaa ee isku mar loo wada codeyen maayo. Haddan u soo noqdo jagadaa Madaxweynaha waxa u sharaxan afar (4) murashax oo iyago ilaa hadda ku dhawaaqay. Kuwaasi oo kala ah 1) Xildhibaan Maxamed Xaji Maxamuud Omerxaashi 2) Daa'uud Khaire 3) Axmed Xuseein Ciise iyo 4) Axmed Maxamed Maxamud (Siiraanyo). Inta badan wadanka gudihiisa dadku waay la socdaan cidda labbada jago murashaxa u ah iyo taageerada aay kala heystaan hase yeesho ee qurbaha warka lama wada hayo ama si qaldan ayaa loogu waramay waxaana laga dhaadhiciyay ina uu Axmed Xuseen Ciise oo qudhihi Siiraanyo la tartamaayo. MXMOmerxaashi iyo Dauud Khaire damacooda kumaay dhawaaqin waxa aad uugu imaneysaa uun qurbaha! Sababtuna waxa laga yaabay ina aay tahey Axmed Xuseen hodheel weyn ayuu kireystay Tvga qarankuna aad ayuu u baahiyay oo uu weliba kusoo celceliyay mida kale Axmed qurbaha ayoo aad uuga ololeeyay halka Xildhiban MXMOmerxaashi iyo Daa'uud Khaire waa marka hore aanay xukuumado marna u ogoleyn ina aay warkooda ka baahiso Tvga qaranka waa marka labaad e iyago waxa aay doorbideen ina aay xisbiga gudihiisa ka ololeeyaan.

Jagada Madaxweynaha Yaa La Filayaa ina Uu Ku Soo Baxo

Jagada Madaxweynaha yaa la filayaa ina uu xisbiga gudihiisa ku guuleysto? Jawaabtu waa ALLAHU aclam. Arrintasi waxa aay u taalaa golaha dhexe ee la dooran doono aniguna hada ka hordhic maayo. Hase yeesho ee waxa muuqata ina murashaxiinta aay ka mid yiheen xildhibaan Maxamed Xaji Maxamuud Omerxaashi, Daauud Khaire iyo Siraanyo aay culeyska saareen sidii aay taageero uuga heli lahaayeen wadanka iyo xisbiga gudihiisa (khaasatan ergooyinka iyo golaha dhexe) halka Axmed Xuseen Ciise uu xooga saaray jaaliyadaha dibada. Waxa kale oo iyana la ogsoon yahey ina taageerayaasha Maxamed Maxamuud Omerxaashi, kuwa Daauud Khaire iyo kuwa Siiranyaba aay xisbiga xoog ku leeyihiin halka tageerayaasha Axmed Xuseen Ciise u badn yihiin xisbiga UDUB

Jagada Madaxweyne Ku-xigeenka Yaa U Sharaxan

Waxa jagada Ku-xigeenka u sharaxan inta aan anigu ka warqabo lix (6) murashax. Kuwaasi oo kala ah a) Muuse Bixi Cabdi b) Ibraahim Meecad c) C/raxmaan Cabdilaahi Ismaaciil (Zeylici) d) Ismaaaciil Aare e) C/raxmaan Aw Cali Faarax iyo f) Hoori oo iska casilay wasiir ku xigeen. Ragaasi wax si cad uugu dhawaaqay damacooda iyo qaar aan ku dhawaaqin oo si hoos ah u kaambeyn-gareynaya intuba waay leeyihiin. Waxa kale oo iyana dhici karta ina ragan qaar ka tanaasuleen aaney se ku dhawaaqin. Dhegtaadu ha taagnaato

Jagada Ku-xigeenka Yaa La Filayaa ina Uu Ku Soo Baxo

Allahu aclam. Jagada Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka in kasta oo aan weli bir lagu gooynin waxa KULMIYE uu u xaglinayaa ina jagada loo xidho gobolada darafyada. In kasta oo aay taasi ka baxsan tahey dimuqraadiyaddi kana soo horjeedo distoorka hadana waxa dadka qaar ku doodayaan ina uu KULMIYE tixgeliyo sunnihii Boorama la isla qaatay halka qaar kalana ku doodayaan metalan reer Awdal Ku-xigeen u codeyen maayaan iyaga oo Madaxweyne u sharaxan yahay halka aay qaar kalana ku doodaayan yaan cidna loo xidhin ee ha loo wada tartamo. Si kastaba ha noqoto ee anigu hadaan ahay Cali Guuleed tixgelinta sunnihii Boraama waxa aay kow ka aheyd arrimihii aan damacaygii uuga tanaasulay.

Murashaxnimada Shuruudaha Ku Xidhan

Jaggada Madaxweynaha iyo Ku-xigeenkiisa qof kasta oo isu soo sharaxayaa waa ina uu buuxiyaa shurudaha sagaalka ah (9) ee uu distoorku ku xidhay kuna qayaxan qodobka siddetanaad (Article 80). Labba sagaalkaa shardi ka mid ihi waxa aay odhanayaan waa a) ina aanu dhalsho amba jinsiyad dal kale haysan b) waana ina uu xaaskiisu tahey qof muslim ah kuna dhaqanta diinta Islaamka. Waxa kale oo inta u raaca ina uu buuxiyo shuruuda kale oo uu xisbigu ku xidhay oo dhawr ah oo aanan hadda u gelaheyn. Waxa kale oo aan iyana la isla meel dhigin shurudaha murashaxa ee aay tahey ina uu distooriyan buuxiya ma xisbiga xaq u leh ina uu socodsiiyo marka murashaxiinta la kala saaraayo mise komishanka doorashada?? Maxaa dhacaaya haddi qof aan shuruudaha Komishanka buuxin xisbigu soo saaro? Arrimahaase waa kuwo aan weli la isla meel dhigin.

Siiranyo Ma Isa soo Sharixi Doonaa 2013

Waxa aan inta uuga gudbayaa Siraanyo mar saddexaada ma isa soo sharixi doona? Waxa laga war qaba ina uu Siiraanyo markii uugu horeysay ka qeyb galay doorashadii madaxtooyada ee 2003. Waxa kale oo la ogsoonyahay ina uu tan soo socota ee dhicidoonta 2008 uu u taagan yahey. Hadaba waxa aay dadbadani is weydiinayaan Siiraanyo mar saddexaad ma isu soo sharixi doonaa doorashada ku beegan 2013? Hadaba markaan dad Siiraanyo ku dhadhaw iyo qaar xisbiga arrimihiisa u dhuun daloola weydiiyay sua'aasha waxa la isku raacsan yahey ina aay doorashadan 2008 uugu danbeyso oo aanu ta dhici doonta 20013 aanu ka qeyb galaheyn.

Shirweynihii Xisbiga Maxaa Dib U Riday

Waxa hubaal ah ina aay dad badani aad uuga xumaadeen ina uu shirweynihi dib u dhacay. Waxa se iyana hubaal ah ina xisbiga loo garaabi doono marka aay dadku ogaadan baaxada hawsha ku gadaaman qabanqaabada shirweynaha sida aan kor ku iftiimiyay marka si dimuqradi ah oo aan qarsoodi laheyn oo taagerayaasha xisbiga iyaga oo aan cidna la duudsiyin ergooyinka iyo golaha dhexe looga soo dhex xuli lahaa. Marka laga reebo qeybtii codkii baarlamanka lagu kala helay oo aheyd tii aan muranku ka taagneyn cabasho ma yareeyn.

Qabashada shirweynaha dhawr walaxood ayaa dib u dhigay waxa se uugu muhimsaneyd 1) gobolo iyo degmooyin laha xisbiga ayaanu ku soo biireynaa ee hanna la sugu 2) waxa ka mid ah oo in badan la isku celcelinaayay qeybihii loo dhigay gobaladii aan laga codeyn 3) kuwii loo kordhiyay ee aan markii hore cod fiican xisbigu ka helin 4) tirada qurba jooga 5) goboladii markii hore xisbiga sida weyn uugu codeeyay iyo kuwii imika soo galay sidii la isugu dheelitiri laha 6) ergooyinka iyo golaha dhexe dariiqada lagu soo xulaayo 7) waxa lagu saleynaayo 8) cidda soo xuleysaa 9) tirada ergooyinka iyo ta golaha dhexe 10) kharashka ku bixi lahaa shirweynaha oo aan weli fari ka qodneyn 11) Gudoomiyaha Siiranyo ma waxa uu xilka wareejinayaa marka uu doorashada qaranka ku guuleysto mise marka uu ku guuleysto murashaxnimada xisbiga? 12) Madaxweyne Ku-Xigenka ma gobolada darafyada ayaa loo xidhaya mise waa loo siman yahey sida jagada Madaxweynaha? 13) Ramadaanta iyo ciida ha la is dhaafiyo 14) hogaanka xisbiga yaa qaban doona shanta sanno ee soo socda 15) xeerkii xisbiga oo dhawr jeer lagu noqnoday 16) turjumaadii barnaamijkii xisbiga oo wakhti qaadatay 17) waxa kale oo qar ku doodayeen inta aan shirka la qabsan hala hubsado waxa ay Guurtidu yeeli doonto iyo muddada aay kordhin doonto halka qaar kalana ku doodaayeen mar haddii doorashadii aay dib u dhacday Guurtiduna in aay kordhin doonto aan war loo heyn wax degdeg ihi ma jiro halka qaar kalana ku doodayeen waa ina uu shirwenihi sida uugu dhakhsaha badan u dhacaa. Sababaha aan kor ku xusay waxa aay ka mid yiheen wax yaalaha shirkii markii hore la is lahaa wuu fududanayaa dip u dhigay.

Gebogebo

Marka hore waxa aan ka affif dhiganayaa ina afka xisbiga iyo ka gudida qabanqaabada midna aanan ku hadleyn. Waxa aan kor ku iftiimiyay dariiqada uu KULMIYE u maray siddi shirweynuhu uugu qabsoomilaha ee uu labada murashaxna ku soo saari lahaa. Dad ka qaar ayaa laga yaabaa ina aay dhibsadaan sida saraaxada leh ee aan arrintan u soo bandhigay. Ujeededdo waxa aay tahey ina dimuqraadiyada KULMIYE ku dhaqmo iyo dhawr walaxood oo uu KULMIYE axsaabta kale kaga duwan yahay aan shacbiga ogeysiiyo: 1) waa ta uugu horeysa e waxa xusid mudan ina aanu wax loolan ah iyo wax dimuqraadiyad ihi midna ka jirin labada xisbi ee kale (UCID & UDUB) 2) waa ta labaad e loolanka KULMIYE gudihisa ka jiraa waxa uu ka turjumayaa habdhaqanka dimuqraadinimo ee ka hirgalay KULMIYE 3) waa ta saddexaad e dariiqadaasi (process) waa mid xisbiga gudhihiisa la isla qaatay in badana laga soo shaqeynaayay kuna timid wada tashi iyo isu tanaasul aakhirkiina lagu wada qancay 4) waata afraad e waxa aan u soo bandhigayaa ina uu shacbigu ogaado in isku-duba-ridka shirweynuhu aanu aheyn wax hawl yar marka tartan dimoqraadiyad ku dheehani jiro oo KULMIYE loo garaabo 5) waa ta shannad e in uu shacbigu ogaado ina aay KULMIYE ka go'antahey ina uu caddaalada isagu iskaga bilaabo 6) waa ta lixad e ina uu shacbigu ka markhaati noqdo ina murashaxiinto aay dariiqada wax lagu soo saaraayo horeyso iyo denbeysaba aay la socdeen kuna wada qanceen 7) waa ta todobaad e waxa aan leeyahay UDUB iyo UCIDna ha ku deydaan 8) waa ta sideedaad e waxa aan uuga affiif dhigayaa murashaxa sidaasi maanta tartanka kaga qeybgala ina aanu berito kaga caban karin natiijada ka soo baxda amba murashaxa ku guuleysan waaya tartankaasi aanu odhan waa la iga eexday 9) waa ta uugu danbeysa e waxa aan murashaxiinta ku boorinayaa ina haddi laga guuleysto aanay xisbiga taageeradii kala noqon uuna ololeeyaan.

Loolanka siyaasiga ah ee KULMIYE gudihiisa ka aloosani waa mid qaranimada, dimuqraadiyada iyo ictiraaf raadiskaba wax weyn ka tari kara madaxda xisbiguna ku amaanan yihiin. Haddaba Sua'ashu waxa aay tahey wax la qariyo qudhun baa ku jira ee UDUB maxaa u qoondeysan; talow sidee ergooyinka lagu soo xuli doona, dariiqadee murashaxiinta lagu soo kala saari doona, murashaxiinta tartanka ka qeybqaadan doona shacbiga ma u soo bandhigi doona inta aan doorashada la gaadhin?

KULMIYE waxa uu go'aansaday ina uu dimuqraadiyada iyo cadaalada isago dhexdiisa iskaga bilaabo sida aan soo iftiimiyay. UDUBna sida looga bartay cidda tidhaahda Riyaalaanu isla soo sharaxeynaa xisbigaba waa laga saara sidii ku dhacday Dr. Cabdi Aw Daahir. Maantana kuwama ayaa talow UDUB laga sari doonaa? Ma Axmed Yuusuf Yaasin ayuu noqon; ma Saleebaan Gaal ayuu noqon; ma Cabdilahi Darawal ayuu noqon mise kuwa kale. Dhagtaado ha taagnaato. Dimuqraadiyda KULMIYE iyo Dictaatooriyada UDUB Waa Kaaf iyo Kala Dheeri

Ali Gulaid, San Jose, CA

What Happens After April 14th, The Last Day Of Rayale's Mandate?

23 March 2008 The people of Somaliland elected President Dahir Rayale on April 15, 2003 to a 5 year term; which will end on April 14, 2008. The National Election Commission (NEC), and the three national Political parties (Udub, Kulmiye, Ucid) reached an agreement to postpone the presidential election to August 31, 2008, which will effectively extend the President's term by three months and 15 days.

What was left out of this equation and a real concern for a great number of people is the framework and the process that will address what kind of entity will be running the country after April 15. Is there going to be a coalition government made out of the three parties or a simple extension of the Rayaale's administration term? Was this issue even discussed by the parties in question? What does the Constitution say about the circumstances that would dictate extending a presidential term?

According to article 83[5] of the Somaliland Constitution; [if on the expiry of the term of office of the President and the Vice-President, it is not possible, because of security considerations, to hold the election of the President and the Vice-President, the House of Elders (Guurti) shall extend their term of office whilst taking into consideration the period in which the problems can be overcome and the election can be held].

The Constitution clearly allows extending the term of the President for one reason only; if there is a lack of security that does not allow the election to take place. The reason given by the NEC and the three political parties for extending the term of the President is that it is not possible to complete the voter registration process before 2008 elections.

This is a far cry from a national emergency, what we have is a monumental blunder and a clear sign of incompetence by the parties involved. Of course all of this will be academic if the Guurti returns the favor and quickly extend President Rayale's term just as he has done for them regardless of the legality of such an act or opposing views. In fact there is good chance that they may decide a longer period of preparation for the election will be necessary. This will be an unfortunate development and sets the dangerous precedent that any feeble excuse can be used to extend the term of the President.
Now, there are winners and losers to the new development and the possibility of postponing once again the coming election to a new date sometime in the future, the question is who.

For instance what is in it for the opposition particularly for Kulmiye to agree to extend President Rayale's term for 4-5 months? Will Kulmiye and Ucid to a lesser degree accept UDUB's government during those 5 months or will they insist on the making of a "National Coalition Government" after April 14th? What will they do if Rayale ignores the calls to build a "national government"? Is there a potential for instability and the possibility of further unforeseen negative impacts on the upcoming 2008 elections?

There is plenty of blame to go around but the NEC being the primary body responsible to conduct these elections must take the lion share of the blame on this debacle. They have shown a lack of clear thinking and an understanding of the kind of planning involved in pulling off the huge task of conducting a nationwide voter registration process during a highly charged presidential election.

Linking the voter registration process to holding the election was their first mistake, proposing a less than realistic time (45 days) to complete the voter registration process was their second and bigger mistake. The fact that it would be unlikely for them to accomplish such a task, given the skill level and lack of real infrastructure present in the country was self evident as we predicted in our previous article on this matter (see EAPI's article "Voter Registration Process' 17 February 2008). The unfortunate conclusions one can make about this sad state of affairs for the NEC is that they are either an incompetent bunch or that they have succumbed to the political winds of the country and are not an independent body capable of making its own realistic decisions.

The international strings attached to funding the cost of the election 75%Donor Nations 25%S/Land) and conditioning the fund release to a voter registration process was a contributing factor to the current difficulties in Somaliland. Someone, somewhere should have seen this coming and made contingency plans for this oncoming train and possible outcome, because as things stand now, the voter registration process is for all practical purposes more important than actually holding the elections or pushing the country into a Constitutional crises by introducing the need to extend the president's term beyond what the law of the land dictates.

It was the NEC's job to point this out to all concerned and remind everyone that despite the lack of registered voters the country had undergone three very successful elections that were largely responsible in putting Somaliland on the world stage as a cut above compared to its neighbors and perhaps most of Africa.

The wisdom of linking the registration process to the election should be revisited as it becoming clear that it is simply unwise to throw the baby with the bath water and insist on the current course of action. If a new date is set for the elections, they should take place with or without the registration process as a precondition, and if the term of the president expires before the election, the Constitution should not be tampered with, instead a coalition government composed of the three parties should be formed as a caretaker government until the elections are held. This will put everyone (Udub, Kulmiye, Ucid) on the same footing and should create a more transparent process and a successful election.
This would be the best time for the Guurti to play a positive role in this crisis and reclaim prestige lost when they accepted an extension of their term from the president, which was seen by most as an illegal act, and propose to the administration a solution (power sharing) different than the one the president is most likely to ask (simple extension).

Registering voters before an election is a good idea, but only if the benefit outweighs the risks associated with its introduction. So far we have had two postponements and no confidence that the elections won't be postponed yet again when we reach this new undetermined magical time. We have an unresolved Constitutional matter regarding the possible extension of the president's term. We have a population held hostage to the whims of a political process they no longer understand and is beyond their reach of influence.

A little perspective is in order here;

Holding the elections in a timely and predictable manner should take precedent over perfecting the system. Registering the electorate although a great tool that aids the fairness of the process should be a goal and not an end by itself that supersedes all else.

It is our position that the registration processes should continue, but arraignments must be made for the countless number of voters who will not be registered in time due to no fault of their own, and they should be allowed to vote.

Contributions were submitted to this article by:

Mahdi Gabose
East Africa Policy Institute
Eastafricapi.com
Rashid Garuf
Somaliland American Council
http://www.somalilandamerican.com/

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/